Niagara Mohawk Residential Utility Sales and Climate Act Recoveries

My previous post combined 2022 residential annual residential customer sales and the cost recoveries for Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) related initiatives in 2022 to estimate the fraction of sales dedicated to Climate Act initiatives.  The fraction of Climate Act costs was as much as 22% of the total residential utility customer costs in 2022.  I live in the Niagara Mohawk Power Corporation (NMPC) service territory, so I applied the same methodology for NMPC.

I am convinced that implementation of the New York Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation.  However, the Hochul Administration has never fully accounted for the ratepayer impact of the transition apparently because the impacts are so high.

Residential Collection Data

In a recent article I described a source of data that includes the total dollar amount of residential customer sales.   The New York Open Data website contains the Quarterly snapshot of residential collection data file.  According to the general description: “This dataset provides a quarterly snapshot of residential bill collection activity for New York State’s ten largest electric and gas distribution utility companies regulated by the Public Service Commission. “

Table 1 lists the annual sum of the quarterly residential customer sales for Niagara Mohawk.

Table 1:  Annual Residential Customer Sales

Climate Act Cost Recoveries

In July 2023 the Public Service Commission (PSC) released its first annual informational report on the implementation of the Climate Act.  In August 2023 I noted that the informational Report explained that Climate Act costs that have been authorized and were in the 2022 residential bills total $1.2 billion.  The Report notes that in 2022 the costs already associated with the Climate Act increased the Upstate residential monthly electric bills 9.8% or $9.38 per month for Niagara Mohawk customers.  

The Informational Report included a summary of cost recoveries for 2022:

For purposes of estimating the cost recoveries of CLCPA related initiatives in 2022, Staff issued information requests to each of the utilities. Specifically, Staff requested the utilities provide 2022 cost recoveries for: CES (electric only), CEF (electric only), certain VDER (electric only), Electric Vehicle Make Ready Program (electric only), Clean Heat programs (electric only), Integrated Energy Data Resource (electric only), and Utility Energy Efficiency programs (electric and gas).

The cost recovered in 2022 by the utilities associated with these gas and electric programs described above are detailed in the following tables.

Climate Act Costs and Residential Customer Sales

I combined the information from the two sources for NMPC.  The total residential sales in 2022 were $917 million.  The combined Climate Act costs for NMPC  $351 million.  The Climate Act cost share of the total sales is 38% using these two data sets. 

I have limited experience with these data sets, so I have reservations about the precision of the estimate.  The number is probably an upper bound because the total costs should be spread over all the residential customers of the state as well as the commercial and industrial customers. In 2021 residential natural gas and electricity sales were 80% of the total residential, commercial and industrial sales.  If the Climate Act costs are apportioned evenly that would reduce the Climate Act percentage of residential bills down to 31%. 

Discussion

It is notable that I had to rely on data from 2022 despite the mandate annual status updates that include costs.   On April 14, 2025, I published an article describing a letter I sent to Public Service Commission Chairman Rory Christian regarding the requirement for annual informational reports.  In March, Michael B. Mager Counsel to Multiple Intervenors  sent a letter to Chairman Christian noting that the annual report was late.  Soon thereafter Jessica Waldorf, Chief of Staff and Director of Policy Implementation for the Department of Public Service (DPS) posted a response letter.  My letter explained that I agreed with the comments submitted by Multiple Intevenors and was disappointed that the DPS response did not commit to a schedule for the next update of the annual informational report.  The point is that the data in the Informational Reports are political dynamite. The estimate that the Climate Act costs are responsible for up to 22% of the cost recoveries in 2022 is just the beginning.  The Hochul Administration has every reason to delay the release of update informatoin as long as possible because the Climate Act costs are going to be higher.    

The estimated fraction of costs attributable to the Climate Act is only for one component of the costs of the Climate Act net-zero transition.  These costs don’t include costs to electrify homes, personal transportation, and the hidden costs for things like upgrading electrical service to be able to electrify everything.  Also, it does not include societal costs like the need to electrify school buses and pay for less impactful refrigerants used by grocery stores.  The list of hidden costs goes on and on.

I recently described an Empire Center poll that asked questions about the Climate Act.  The poll found that only 50% of the respondents willing to pay more than $10 a month for Climate Costs.  Recall that the Informational Report found that in 2022 the costs already associated with the Climate Act increased the Upstate residential monthly electric bills 9.8% or $9.38 per month for Niagara Mohawk customers.  I do not think there is any question that half of the poll respondents are paying more than they are willing to pay. 

These data also raise the question of what the point is.   New York GHG emissions are less than one half of one percent of global emissions and global emissions have been increasing on average by more than one half of one percent per year since 1990.  Furthermore, New York’s impact on global warming is unmeasurable.  Table 2 projects the amount of global warming “savings” for the 1990 and 2022 historical emissions.  The calculations are based on a Perplexity AI query “What is the expected change in global warming per ton of CO2 reduced”.  If total New York GHG emissions from the baseline in 1990 or the most recent year (2022) available were to go to zero, the projected change in global warming is too small to measure.

Table 2: Potential Warming Savings for Historical Emissions

Conclusion

The costs to implement the Climate Act for NMPC residents were a little less than two fifths of monthly residential sales in 2022.  I have no doubt that the costs that will be in the 2023 Informational report will increase that fraction.  Sooner or later the public is going to catch wind of these unsustainable costs and I intend to write some letters to the editor using this information.  Given that the investments will not meaningfully affect global emissions or global warming I cannot imagine that NMPC ratepayers will be willing to continue this madness.  I hope that politicians are starting to question whether they want to be associated with this.

Residential Utility Sales and Climate Act Cost Recovery Implications

This post combines 2022 residential annual residential customer sales and the cost recoveries for Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) related initiatives in 2022 to estimate the fraction of sales dedicated to Climate Act initiatives.  The fraction of Climate Act costs was as much as 22% of the total residential utility customer costs in 2022.

I am convinced that implementation of the New York Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation.  However, the Hochul Administration has never fully accounted for the ratepayer impact of the transition apparently because the impacts are so high.

Residential Collection Data

In a recent article I described a source of data that includes the total dollar amount of residential customer sales.   The New York Open Data website contains the Quarterly snapshot of residential collection data file.  According to the general description: “This dataset provides a quarterly snapshot of residential bill collection activity for New York State’s ten largest electric and gas distribution utility companies regulated by the Public Service Commission. “

Table 1 lists the annual sum of the quarterly residential customer sales for the ten utilities in the Quarterly snapshot of residential collection data file.  The ten utilities are: Consolidated Edison, Orange & Rockland, Public Service Electric & Gas, Central Hudson, National Grid – LI, National Grid – Upstate, National Grid New York, New York State Electric & Gas, Rochester Electric & Gas, and National Fuel Gas.

Table 1:  Annual Residential Customer Sales

Climate Act Cost Recoveries

In July 2023 the Public Service Commission (PSC) released its first annual informational report on the implementation of the Climate Act.  In August 2023 I noted that the informational Report explained that Climate Act costs that have been authorized and were in the 2022 residential bills total $1.2 billion.  The Report notes that in 2022 the costs already associated with the Climate Act increased the Upstate residential monthly electric bills 7.6% or $7.15 per month for NYSE&G customers; 7.7% or $7.54 for RG&E customers; and 9.8% or $9.38 for Niagara Mohawk customers.  

I followed up with another article that documented post hearing comments related to the NYSEG electric rate case 22-E-0317, RGE electric rate case 22-E-0319, the NYSEG gas rate case 22-G-0318, and the RGE gas rate case 22-G-0320 that address Climate Act costs.  I concluded that Climate Act costs are a major factor in this extraordinarily large rate case request. This is an issue in this instance and every future rate case for every New York utility is going to have similarly large costs.

The Informational Report included a summary of cost recoveries for 2022:

For purposes of estimating the cost recoveries of CLCPA related initiatives in 2022, Staff issued information requests to each of the utilities. Specifically, Staff requested the utilities provide 2022 cost recoveries for: CES (electric only), CEF (electric only), certain VDER (electric only), Electric Vehicle Make Ready Program (electric only), Clean Heat programs (electric only), Integrated Energy Data Resource (electric only), and Utility Energy Efficiency programs (electric and gas).

The cost recovered in 2022 by the utilities associated with these gas and electric programs described above are detailed in the following tables.

Climate Act Costs and Residential Customer Sales

I combined the information from the two sources. The total residential sales in 2022 were $5,867 billion.  The Climate Act costs for the gas (excluding Corning) and electric utilities were $1,289 billion.  The Climate Act cost share of the total sales is 22% using these two data sets. 

I have limited experience with these data sets, so I have reservations about the precision of the estimate.  The 22% number is probably an upper bound because the total costs should be spread over all the residential customers of the state as well as the commercial and industrial customers. In 2021 residential natural gas and electricity sales were 80% of the total residential, commercial and industrial sales.  If the Climate Act costs are apportioned evenly that would reduce the Climate Act percentage of residential bills down to 18%.  I understand that municipal utilities are not treated the same so that affects the percentage estimate too.

Discussion

It is notable that I had to rely on data from 2022 despite the mandate annual status updates that include costs.   On April 14, 2025, I published an article describing a letter I sent to Public Service Commission Chairman Rory Christian regarding the requirement for annual informational reports.  In March, Michael B. Mager Counsel to Multiple Intervenors  sent a letter to Chairman Christian noting that the annual report was late.  Soon thereafter Jessica Waldorf, Chief of Staff and Director of Policy Implementation for the Department of Public Service (DPS) posted a response letter.  My letter explained that I agreed with the comments submitted by Multiple Intevenors and was disappointed that the DPS response did not commit to a schedule for the next update of the annual informational report.  The point is that the data in the Informational Reports are political dynamite. The estimate that the Climate Act costs are responsible for up to 22% of the cost recoveries in 2022 is just the beginning.  The Hochul Administration has every reason to delay the release of update informatoin as long as possible because the Climate Act costs are going to be higher.    

The estimated fraction of costs attributable to the Climate Act in only for one component of the costs of the Climate Act net-zero transition.  These costs don’t include costs to electrify homes, personal transportation, and the hidden costs for things like upgrading electrical service to be able to electrify everything.  Also it does not include societal costs like the need to electrify school buses and pay for less impactful refrigerants used by grocery stores.  The list of hidden costs goes on and on.

I recently described an Empire Center poll that asked questions about the Climate Act.  I noted that one third of the respondents are not willing to pay anything on their monthly energy bill for cleaner energy.  Another 28% are only willing to pay up to $20 a month for cleaner energy while another 20% would pay up to $40 a month.  Nineteen percent are willing to pay up to $200 a month but only 3% are willing to pay more than $200 per month.  Given all the necessary costs I believe that $200 per month is not nearly enough for the transition.

These data also raise the question of what the point is.   New York GHG emissions are less than one half of one percent of global emissions and global emissions have been increasing on average by more than one half of one percent per year since 1990.  Furthermore, New York’s impact on global warming is unmeasurable.  Table 2 projects the amount of global warming “savings” for the 1990 and 2022 historical emissions.  The calculations are based on a Perplexity AI query “What is the expected change in global warming per ton of CO2 reduced”.  If total New York GHG emissions from the baseline in 1990 or the most recent year (2022) available were to go to zero, the projected change in global warming is too small to measure.

Table 2: Potential Warming Savings for Historical Emissions

Conclusion

The costs to implement the Climate Act were about one fifth of the monthly bills in 2022.  I have no doubt that the costs that will be in the 2023 Informational report will increase that fraction.  Sooner or later the public is going to catch wind of these unsustainable costs.  Given that the investments will not meaningfully affect global emissions or global warming I cannot imagine that the voters will be willing to continue this madness.  The reckoning cannot come soon enough.

New York Residential Utility Accounts in Arrears

Thanks to Tim Knauss I found information on New York utility accounts in arrears and service disconnections on New York Open Data.  These data enabled me to develop a spreadsheet that lists the residential collection data submitted by New York’s ten largest distribution utility companies and enabled me to prepare the data summary shown here. 

This information is particularly relevant to the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) because there is a safety valve provision that enables the Public Service Commission to “temporarily suspend or modify the obligations” of the Climate Act if, among other things, implementation causes a “significant increase in arrears or service disconnections” related to the program.  Before looking at the results please think about what you think is a reasonable percentage of customers in arrears, that is to say those who have not paid their bills for 60 days or more.

I am convinced that implementation of the New York Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation.  However, in the rush to meet Climate Act mandates fundamental consumer protections are being ignored.

Safety Valve

New York Public Service Law § 66-p (4) “Establishment of a renewable energy program” includes feasibility safety valve conditions for affordability and reliability that have not been addressed in the Hochul Administration implementation of the Climate Act.   Section 66-p (4) states: “The commission may temporarily suspend or modify the obligations under such program provided that the commission, after conducting a hearing as provided in section twenty of this chapter, makes a finding that the program impedes the provision of safe and adequate electric service; the program is likely to impair existing obligations and agreements; and/or that there is a significant increase in arrears or service disconnections that the commission determines is related to the program”.

For the most part this provision of the Public Safey Law has been ignored.  In my opinion it is incumbent upon the Hochul Administration to define specific criteria for each provision and establish a tracking system established to determine if suspension or modification of CLCPA obligations is appropriate.  Until I found the Quarterly snapshot of residential collection data submitted I was unaware that the arrears and service disconnection data were available.

Residential Collection Data

New York State agencies love web-based dashboards because I think that they can be used to control the message.  Consider the Climate Act Data Dashboard.  There are options to look at the data for categories showing progress to date, but the data downloads are no more than the numbers shown in the splashy home pages.  Not surprisingly there is nothing related to the safety valve conditions in Section 66-p (4).

There is an alternative source of data.  New York Open Data was established to “promote transparency, improve government performance, and enhance citizen engagement”.  It is a massive database that provides useful information if you can penetrate the clumsy interface to find what you want.  Even then the data are just files of numbers with marginal documentation and typically require processing to get anything useful. 

In a recent article on the National Grid rate case Tim Knauss mentioned that “More than 210,000 Upstate households are at least 60 days late paying National Grid, owing more than $323 million combined.”   When I contacted him about the source of that information he graciously explained that the utilities file a monthly report in the PSC Case 91-M-0744 docket that details their arrears and service terminations.  Unfortunately, for an overview of the status those submittals are not that useful.

I decided to check New York Open Data for these data.  Nothing was obvious but when I figured out how to do a search and used some of the descriptive terms in the 91-M-0744 documents if found the Quarterly snapshot of residential collection data file.  According to their general description:

This dataset provides a quarterly snapshot of residential bill collection activity for New York State’s ten largest electric and gas distribution utility companies regulated by the Public Service Commission. Included in this dataset are each utility’s total number of residential customers, residential customers with arrears (overdue bills) greater than 60 days, residential final service termination notices issued, residential accounts terminated (service shut off for nonpayment), active residential deferred payment agreements and the number of uncollectible residential accounts. Also included are the corresponding utility sales figures for each metric above, showing the dollar figure represented.

The following Data Dictionary table lists the specific parameters available by utility for each quarter starting with the first quarter of 2010.  Processing this kind of data set is something I have been doing for years so I was quickly able to get a data summary together.  I doubt that many members of the public have that skill set so it is transparently available in name only.

New York Residential Customer Summary

Table 1 lists the annual fourth quarter sum of all ten utilities data for the total number of residential customers, residential customers with arrears (overdue bills) greater than 60 days, residential final service termination notices issued, residential accounts terminated (service shut off for nonpayment), and active residential deferred payment agreements.  Of note is that the percentage of residential customers with overdue bills has been between 13.6% and 14.2% the last three years.

Table 1:  Annual Summary of Number of Customers and Bill Paying Status

New York Residential Customer Sales Summary

Table 2 lists the annual fourth quarter sum of all ten utilities data for the total sales by residential customers, residential customers with arrears (overdue bills) greater than 60 days, residential final service termination notices issued, residential accounts terminated (service shut off for nonpayment), and active residential deferred payment agreements.  The highlight of this table is that the total amount of money that has accumulated since the utilities started this program is $1.86 billion which is more than the utilities collect annually.

Table 2: Annual Summary of Number of Customers and Bill Paying Status

Observations Discussion

Now that you have seen the results, how did your idea of a reasonable percentage of customers in arrears compare to the observed 13.7% at the end of 2024.  I think anything over 10% is problematic.  In my opinion the observed data indicate a utility system that is currently too expensive. 

The number of people in arrears has been increasing since 2010.  The number of termination notices issued varies quite a bit, undoubtedly in response to programs to prevent shutoffs. Fortunately, the actual number of shutoffs is relatively small because that should be a last resort.  Unfortunately, the cost of these benefits must fall to an increasingly smaller fraction of the rest of the customers.

The sales figures are extraordinary.  New York residential customers are paying $1.81 billion a year for utility service.  The total amount of money that has accumulated by accounts in arrears since the utilities started reporting these data is $1.86 billion.  I don’t think that the accumulated value accurately reflects the magnitude of the problem.  Last year the sales associated with accounts that were sent final termination notices was $378 million or 20.9% of the total revenues.  Surely that reflects the fact that many residential customers are having trouble paying their bills.

Significance

My primary incentive to analyze these data was to compare them to the Public Safety Law section 66-p (4) criteria for a “significant increase in arrears or service disconnections that the commission determines is related to the program”.  There is no breakout of Climate Act costs that contribute to those attributes.  We can only estimate whether the NY Open “Quarterly snapshot of residential collection” total data shows a significant increase.

In this case defining significance will entail many value judgements.  For example, what is a “significant” increase in arrears?  Before the Climate Act was passed in 2019 there were 1,046,219 customers with arrears greater than 60 days, and at the end of 2024 there were 1,383,480 customers in arrears which is a 32.4% increase.  The percentage increase for the percentage of customers in arrears was 31.3%.  In my opinion that is a significant increase.

There is a limited amount of data to use for a statistical evaluation of significance.  Nonetheless, we can use the data we have.   In simplistic terms, if a change exceeds two times the standard deviation of the observed data, we can hypothesize that it is significantly different.

Table 3 is a subset of Table 1 that lists the annual fourth quarter sum of all ten utilities data for the total number of residential customers, residential customers with arrears (overdue bills) greater than 60 days, and the percentage of residential customers with overdue bills relative to the total number of customers.  Between 2019 the last year before the CLCPA was implemented and 2024, there were 1.046,219 customers with arrears greater than 60 days, and at the end of 2024 there were 1,383,480 customers in arrears which is an increase of 337,261 or 32.4% increase.  The percentage increase for the percentage of customers in arrears was 31.3%.

The standard deviation of the number of customers in arrears from 2010 to 2019 is 39,175 and the percent in arrears standard deviation is 0.6%. The observed increases are greater than two times the observed standard deviations.  Keep in mind that a standard deviation based on ten observations is anything but robust so this indicative but not conclusive that there is a “significant” increase in arrears.

Table 3: Annual Customers in Arrears

There are other aspects of the calculation of significance for Public Service Law Section 66-p(4).  Other value judgements for significance include the following.  What costs are related to the Climate Act?  Should the costs include programs implemented before the Climate Act but that are necessary to achieve the Climate Act goals.  Should the evaluation consider the effect of programs designed to lower costs, programs that give residents an active payment plan and prevent service disconnections that all affect the totals?  Should “significance” be defined relative to the value of the emission reductions for the programs in absolute terms or relative to global emissions?

All these have been valid questions since the Climate Act was passed in 2019.  The Climate Action Council should have addressed this but dropped the ball.  Given that there are so many issues coming up with the schedule and ambition of the Climate Act that it is obvious that we need to pause implementation and figure out how best to proceed.  Defining the safety valve criteria and developing a tracking system for a transparent status report should be part of the implementation reassessment.

Conclusion

This analysis found a useful source of residential customer data.  The New York Open Data was established to “promote transparency, improve government performance, and enhance citizen engagement”.  Unfortunately, accessing the data file is not straightforward unless you have experience with this kind of data.

The observed differences between the number of residential customers in arrears before the Climate Act was enacted and the end of 2024 are greater than two times the standard deviations.  It can be argued that this means  the increase is “significant”.  Therefore, it would be appropriate for the Public Service Commission to conduct a hearing to determine if it would be appropriate to temporarily suspend or modify the obligations of the Climate Act per Public Safety Law Section 66-p(4).

I think this should be resolved quickly.  Given that there are so many issues coming up with the schedule and ambition of the Climate Act it is obvious that we need to pause implementation and figure out how best to proceed.  Clearly defining the safety valve criteria and developing a tracking system for a transparent status report should be part of the implementation reassessment.

New York Creatively Hides the Costs of the Climate Act

On April 23, 2025 Governor Hochul announced that  State University of  New York (SUNY) Oneonta will be the first school in the SUNY system to purchase Tier 1 Renewable Energy Certificates (REC) from the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority’s (NYSERDA) voluntary sales program.  This post interprets the meaning of this announcement.

I am convinced that implementation of the Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good because the proposed green energy programs are crimes against physics.  The energy density of wind and solar energy is too low and the resource intermittency too variable to ever support a reliable electric system relying on those resources. I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation.  At the same time, the Hochul Administration has delayed reporting mandates in the Climate Act that must document costs and progress. New Yorkers do not know where we stand,

Renewable Energy Credits

According to the Governor’s April 23, 2025 press release, SUNY Oneonta will be the first school in the SUNY system to purchase Tier 1 REC.  The press release notes that the REC purchase will enable SUNY Oneonta to “claim 1,000 MWhs of new, local renewable energy in 2025” which will provide “enough locally-sourced clean energy to fully power four, 200-bed residence halls on the SUNY Oneonta campus.” 

Renewable Energy Credits (REC) are defined:

A REC is a certificate, created by a tracking system, such as the New York Generation Attribute Tracking System (NYGATS), that represents the attributes of one megawatt hour of electricity generated from a renewable source like solar or wind.  These RECs, or certificates, are needed to substantiate environmental claims related to energy use, such as for compliance with a State-mandated renewable compliance program, or for “voluntary” claims such as a climate action pledge.  

REC are purchased by a range of entities “to comply with state mandates and to voluntarily support renewable energy development.”  The buyers include utilities who are obligated to purchase them, government entities like New York City with commitments to use 100% renewable energy, and private organizations who “voluntarily purchase RECs to meet internal sustainability targets, claim environmental benefits, and demonstrate climate leadership.”

SUNY Oneonta

I imagine that the rationale for the purchase is the sustainability core value in the SUNY Oneonta mission statement.  This core value declares that sustainability means “stewarding resources to foster a just community in ecological balance.”   This phrase is nothing more than trendy moral posturing that checks the box so that SUNY Oneonta can claim the high ground for environmental protection.

The mission statement is accompanied by this:

Together with the mission, these values now guide SUNY Oneonta’s pursuit of a clear vision:

to become the exemplar residential community, providing relevant educational experiences in and outside of the classroom.

SUNY Oneonta will challenge the status quo, test assumptions, and ask difficult questions about relevancy and impact. The university must understand the needs of today’s learners and tomorrow’s. Our campus and all of the opportunities it can offer should revolve around students and evolve with them. As they trust us to guide them to their goals, we entrust them with the future and the hope of a more just, humane and happier world.

I received my B.S. in meteorology in 1974 at SUNY Oneonta, went on to get a M.S. in meteorology, and started my air pollution meteorologist career in 1976.  Half a century of experience has taught me that stewarding resources must include pragmatic tradeoffs between ambition, risks, benefits, and costs.  The REC program is part of New York’s Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act). 

That law epitomizes dogmatic policy driven by emotion and not reason.  There is no consideration of any tradeoffs.  The status quo in New York is that there is an existential climate crisis that can be solved by eliminating the use of fossil fuels.  Somehow, I doubt that SUNY Oneonta has any interest in challenging that paradigm, testing the assumptions that a net-zero transition is possible, or considering the difficult tradeoffs that are inherent in the proposed transition away from fossil fuels.

Furthermore, New York GHG emissions are less than one half of one percent of global emissions and global emissions have been increasing on average by more than one half of one percent per year since 1990.  New York cannot solve global warming by itself and the third-world economies that are developing abundant, economical energy using fossil generation to improve their lives.  The tradeoff between equitable distribution of energy resources relative to speculative climate change benefits is something that SUNY Oneonta students should consider for the goal of a “more just, humane and happier world.”

Another Shell Game

A shell game is defined as “A fraud or deception perpetrated by shifting conspicuous things to hide something else.”  In my opinion the Scoping plan employed  shell game tactics to claim that the Climate Act “costs of inaction are more than the costs of action”.  The Administration knows how much the Climate Act will cost and is surely aware that public support for green energy initiatives to combat climate change dissipates quickly if the costs are substantial.  I believe that affordability is the fundamental reason that the release of required reports on the implementation of the Climate Act have been delayed.

From that perspective the State University voluntary purchase of REC from NYSERDA looks suspicious. If all the SUNY institutions follow suit and purchase REC there will be a dependable funding steam for more NYSERDA renewable development.  On the other hand, the primary goal of SUNY is education and not the societal goal of emission reduction, so I do not favor colleges squandering money on support of renewable energy development.  I conclude that this is simply an inter-agency transfer of funds prompted by a decision to obscure costs and postpone the inevitable political reckoning when the extraordinary transition costs can no longer be hidden. 

Fully Powering Nonsense

The press release continues the charade that renewable energy can “fully power” anything.  The fact is that Hochul’s Administration has not shown that the technology necessary to resolve renewable intermittency is available, much less affordable.  Without that backup technology, four, 200-bed residence halls on campus will only have electricity when the wind is blowing or the sun is shining.  This is an example of selective use of metrics and descriptions that falsely gives the impression that the changeover to green energy is simple.

Conclusion

Renewable Energy Credits exist to subsidize green energy development.  As a compliance tool they have value.  However, one of the stated values of REC voluntary purchases is that they can be used to “demonstrate climate leadership”.  That epitomizes virtue-signaling which I believe has little value as part of the education of SUNY Oneonta students. 

Ultimately the SUNY Oneonta purchase of REC has another goal. It hides the cost to consumers by transferring money from one state account to another.  A college education is expensive enough today without foisting students and parents with hidden costs that do not provide tangible benefit to their education.

Are New Yorkers Willing to Pay for the Climate Act?

Last December the Empire Center did a poll that asked questions about the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act).  I missed it at the time, but the results are striking. This post describes the results and takes a deeper look at the willingness to pay question. 

I am convinced that implementation of the Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good because the proposed green energy programs are crimes against physics.  The energy density of wind and solar energy is too low and the resource intermittency too variable to ever support a reliable electric system relying on those resources. If this reality is not acknowledged soon and these policies paused, then the enormous costs of this futile gesture to control the climate will bankrupt the state. 

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation. 

Poll Overview

The Empire Center, based in Albany, is an independent, not-for-profit, non-partisan think tank dedicated to promoting policies that can make New York a better place to live, work and raise a family.  In the interests of full disclosure, I am an adjunct fellow of the Empire Center. 

They sponsored a survey late last year. The Empire Center announcement of the survey says it canvassed 1,021 New York registered voters (margin of error: 3 percent) and was conducted by Morning Consult in mid-December 2024. The toplines and crosstabs can be viewed here.  For survey neophytes like me the topline lists the questions and the overall results.  Crosstabs breakdown the responses by the characteristics of the people polled.  There were 38 questions in the survey and 16 questions about the demographics of the respondents.  The crosstabs provides the breakdown of questions by the demographic categories.

Questions about the Climate Act were in the minority.  Most of the questions were related to the value of taxes paid – “New Yorkers by a margin of more than two-to-one said they aren’t getting their money’s worth from taxes they pay in the state”.  Other questions addressed the education system

There were six questions about the Climate Act.  I will address the first two questions in this article but will only list the others below.

Climate Act Awareness

Knowing what I understand about this law it is frustrating that there is so little pushback associated with it.  The only reason I could think of is that the majority of New Yorkers are unaware of it.  The question “How familiar are you, if at all, with the provisions of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (also known as CLCPA or the Climate Act) that was signed into law in New York in 2019?” confirms my suspicion.

The survey found that 45% of the people polled had never heard of it and another 24% had heard of it, but didn’t know what it is.  In my opinion, if they only have a general sense what it is (another 19%) then they are probably unaware of how much it will cost.  That means 88% of the people polled do not know what is coming in enough detail to understand its impacts on affordability, personal choice, reliability, and environmental impacts.

I believe that the biggest trigger for demands to pause this will be the costs so let’s talk about those results.

Willingness to Pay

I have never seen any poll regarding a willingness to pay that did not find most people are unwilling to pay very much.  This is proof of Roger Pielke’s Iron Law of Climate “While people are often willing to pay some price for achieving climate objectives, that willingness has its limits.”

This poll is no different.  One third of the respondents are not willing to anything on their monthly energy bill for cleaner energy.  Another 28% are only willing to pay up to $20 a month for cleaner energy while another 20% would pay up to $40 a month.  Nineteen percent are willing to pay up to $200 a month but only 3% are willing to pay more than $200 per month. Another 7% did not know or had no opinion.

I recently submitted comments about affordability in Proceeding 22-M-0149 “Assessing Implementation of and Compliance with the Requirements and Targets of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act”.  On March 26, 2025, Jessica Waldorf, Chief of Staff and Director of Policy Implementation for the Department of Public Service (DPS) posted a letter responding to a letter from Michael B. Mager Counsel to Multiple Intervenors that had been submitted earlier in March to Chair of the Public Service Commission Rory Christian regarding the affordability standard.  The Mager letter from the Multiple Intervenors pointed out that the DPS and New York State Energy Research & Development Authority (NYSEDA) were supposed to provide an annual report describing Climate Act implementation costs.  No report was produced in 2024 and the letter asked when the next report would be provided.  Waldorf’s response made no commitment.  Given the politicization of all New York agencies and the willingness to pay results I don’t think that it is surprising that the Hochul Administration is stonewalling those estimates because I am sure that they will probably exceed $200 a month.

National Grid Long-Term Gas Plan

In a recent post I described the comments I submitted on Case 24-G-0248 Review of the Long-Term Gas System Plan for National Grid.  That plan describes how the three National Grid operating companies intend to transition away from natural gas out to 2050. 

I was frankly surprised with the costs for just this component of Climate At transition plan.  The scenarios include a reference case, CEV or “clean energy vision”, and AE or “accelerated electrification”.  The difference between the reference case and the CEV scenario represents the minimum cost of the Climate Act.  The following tables are from the Long-Term Gas System Plan document.

The 2030 average monthly increase for National Grid customers in the former Niagara Mohawk service territory ranges from a 50% increase to a 96% increase.  The Climate Act cost by 2030 is $57 additional per month.

Table 12-11: Niagara Mohawk Bill Impacts by Scenario

The 2030 average monthly increase for National Grid customers in the former Brooklyn Union Gas service territory ranges from a 65% increase to a 148% increase.  The Climate Act cost by 2030 is $43 additional per month.

Table 12-12: Brooklyn Union Gas Company Bill Impacts by Scenario

The 2030 average monthly increase for National Grid customers in the former Key Span service territory on Long Island ranges from a 41% increase to a 90% increase.  The Climate Act cost by 2030 is $44 additional per month.

Table 12-13: KeySpan Gas (LILCO) Bill Impacts by Scenario

Willingness to Pay for National Grid Long-Term Gas Plan

In the National Grid Long-Term Gas Plan, the expected increase in price to implement the “clean energy vision” exceeds $40 per month for all three service companies.  Table 1 lists the willingness to pay $40 per month for selected demographics of the survey participants.  Note that 71% of respondents when polled said that they were unwilling to pay more than $40 per month.  I am not going to discuss the demographic breakdowns but present them for your edification.

Table 1: Empire Center Willingness to Pay for Increased Energy Costs Relative to National Grid Expected Gas System Transition Costs of at least $40 per Month Additional by 2030

Discussion

The electric and gas utilities must invest in programs that will implement the Climate Act mandates and those costs are starting to show up in their rate case proceedings.  The National Grid long-term plan to transition the gas system out of existence which is necessary to comply with the Climate Act is but one example.  The expected cost increase by 2030 to fulfill the clean energy vision is more than $40 per month.  Only 22% of the people polled were willing to pay that much.

That is only one cost component for New Yorkers.  Electric bills will need to increase by at least the same amount to pay for the infrastructure necessary to electrifying everything.  The New York Cap-and-Invest program is nothing more than a tax on carbon that will necessarily increase the cost of gasoline and heating fuels.  To electrify homes and transportation individual investments will be necessary.  I believe that when people finally figure out that there is law in place that will markedly increase their energy costs that there will be a reckoning.  I also believe that the Hochul Administration is fully aware of the ramifications of Climate Act costs on the next election.  Consequently, they are slow walking the mandates to provide cost information.

In the meantime, the politicians will be more than willing to let the utilities take the heat for the inevitable major cost increases.  No doubt they will simultaneously forbid the utilities to explicitly break out the Climate Act costs in their bills and demand that they lower their rate case proposals.

Conclusion

Any way you look at the willingness to pay question response, the Empire Center survey confirms Roger Pielke Jr’s Iron Law of Climate.  People polled are not willing to pay much for the net-zero aspirations of the Climate Act if 50% are unwilling to pay more than $10 per month for cleaner energy.  It is troubling that 88% of the New Yorkers polled had no more than a general sense of the Climate Act and many had never heard of it.  This is setting up a reckoning for all the politicians that foisted the Climate Act on New Yorkers.  It is inevitable that the politicians will reconsider and give up on it or be voted out for utter stupidity.  The only question is whether political reality will occur before the electric and gas system is destroyed and costs bankrupts the state.

Grifters Follow the Money

A recent letter to the editor of the Syracuse Post Standard Focus on economic benefits of NY’s renewable energy projects is the subject of this post.  I am very frustrated with the New York Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) net zero transition because claims made by the supporters are so misleading that it beggars my mind that editors publish the letters.  The reality is that there are so many issues coming up with the schedule and ambition of the Climate Act that it is obvious that we need to pause implementation and figure out how best to proceed.

I am convinced that implementation of the Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim reduction target of a 40% GHG reduction by 2030. The Climate Action Council (CAC) was responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlined how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  Since then, the State has been trying to implement the Scoping Plan recommendations through regulations, proceedings, and legislation. 

Letter to the Editor

The following letter was written by Marguerite Wells from Ithaca, NY. 

Keeping an open mind is one of the hardest things to do. With a constant stream of social media, information and communication, we can develop opinions and stances that are very hard to change.

When I first entered New York’s renewable energy conversation as a farmer in Central New York, my focus was on protecting air and water quality and not relying on foreign sources for our energy. While these goals are admirable, it was harder to answer the more personal questions, “How does this help me, my farm, and my family?” I wasn’t the only one asking that question.

When you hear of a solar or wind farm being proposed near you, it’s fair to ask, “How will this help me?”

While these projects will contribute to our statewide energy transition, those who most stand to benefit are the towns and landowners who host these projects.

It isn’t just about climate goals. It is about the deli down the street getting more customers during and after construction. It is about towns receiving funds to fix the roads, or build a new park. It is about our children’s public school receiving millions from tax agreements from these private companies. Projects such as Morris Ridge Solar, New York’s largest solar farm, will pay $1.6 million in direct community payments each year, according to public data. This is an example of how these types of investments bring real, tangible benefits to local communities.

As a farmer, I was also drawn to the fact that these projects help preserve agricultural land. Rather than being permanently lost to real estate development, developing wind and solar can offer a lifeline to our family farms, providing them with new revenue, and helping keep farmland in the family for future generations.

Skepticism is good. Questions are good. Preconceived notions that don’t allow you to hear the facts are not.

Whether you’re a farmer, a town official, an everyday citizen or a skeptic, I invite you to continue this conversation. Join us at the 21st Annual Symposium on Energy on April 4 at the SUNY College of Environmental Science and Forestry in Syracuse. Learn more at energy21symposium.org.

Marguerite Wells

Ithaca

Comments

Faced with incessant media messaging that the green energy transition is necessary and will save the planet keeping an open mind is indeed difficult.  Here is one aspect of the issue not pursued by the mass media. Robert Bryce describes the IRA lobbying frenzy currently underway in Washington:

The late economist Milton Friedman famously declared that “nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program.”

Friedman’s line comes to mind because a lobbying frenzy is underway in Washington, DC. Some of the city’s most powerful special interests are working to prevent a repeal or reduction of the lavish energy-related tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act. No lobby group is working harder than the American Clean Power Association.

Why is the ACPA pushing so hard? The answer is simple: Its members have collected tens of billions of dollars in federal subsidies, loans, and loan guarantees over the past few years to install solar energy, wind energy, batteries, and other forms of alt-energy, and they don’t want that geyser of federal money to stop.

In the face of mounting evidence that the Climate Act net-zero transition is not going according to plan and should be paused for a re-assessment, New York’s green energy special interests are also pushing hard.  This letter is an example.

When I read the letter, my impression was that the author was a farmer who was only interested in the renewable energy conversation.  Her name was somewhat familiar, but it was not until I read an announcement for the New Yorkers for Clean Power April Renewables Supporters Speaker Series agenda for “Insights on Onshore Wind” that I made the connection.  The announcement said that Marguerite Wellswas an expert in onshore wind energy development and policy and she is the Executive Director at the Alliance for Clean Energy New York (ACE NY).  ACE NY mission is “to promote the use of clean, renewable electricity technologies and energy efficiency in New York state, in order to increase energy diversity and security, boost economic development, improve public health, and reduce air pollution.” My first observation is that readers deserve to know that Wells is not just a farmer but has more than a passing personal interest in the renewable energy transition.

Her association with ACE NY biases the letter contents.  Advocates like Wells invariably repeat the talking point that green energy will protect air and water quality while decreasing reliance on foreign sources for our energy. Russ Schussler compiled a document that addresses many green energy talking points.  He explains that claiming that green energy is environmentally neutral ignores the adverse impacts of renewable energy development. New York has not updated the environmental assessment of the cumulative impacts for the projected onshore wind, offshore wind, solar, and energy storage resources projected by the State in the Scoping Plan completed at the end of 2022.  The Final Supplemental Generic Environmental Impact Statement (SGEIS) on the proposed Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act was accepted in September 2020.  Since then, the projections for renewable resources have increased.  The Scoping Plan projects 830 additional 3 MW onshore wind turbines, 439 additional 18 MW offshore wind turbines, and over 100 million 350-watt solar panels compared to the SGEIS. There also were no projections for energy storage or Dispatchable Emissions-Free Resources that the Scoping Plan has determined are necessary for a zero-emissions electric generating system.  The Scoping Plan considered life-cycle impacts of fossil fuels but ignored the adverse impacts related to their operation and disposal of wind and solar components.  Recycling is challenging to impossible for the large structural components and also the scarce resources needed for energy conversion.

Another point that this letter ignores is the magnitude of the resources necessary and the resulting sprawl across New York.  The New York State Office of Renewable Energy Siting and Electric Transmission (ORES) and the Department of Public Service (DPS) have a new interactive map of solar and wind project siting status.  Here are the total capacity and the land covered by existing renewable energy sprawl.

The Scoping Plan’s Integration Analysis (IA) included three scenarios that projected future resources necessary (Strategic Use of Low-Carbon Fuels, Accelerated Transition from Combustion, and Beyond 85% Reduction) and the New York Independent System Operator made two projections too.  The number of acres required for those resources shown below is staggering.

According to Wells the development of wind and solar resources “bring real, tangible benefits to local communities” and help preserve agricultural land.  Wells mentions that the Morris Ridge Solar will pay $1.6 million in direct community payments each year and notes that rental payments “can offer a lifeline to our family farms, providing them with new revenue”.  One of the unintended consequences of extensive solar development is that it affects the viability of farmers that must rent land for their operations.  An agronomist and environmental planner in western New York explained that the problem is that farmers are now competing with solar developers who are paid direct and indirect subsidies that enable them to offer land owners up to ten times the current agricultural annual lease rates.   This raises the concern that farmers will not have enough available farmland to support the investment they have made in facilities, livestock, or equipment.  Furthermore, claims that these projects will support the agricultural economy overall is simply wrong.  It will reduce farm jobs when farmers rent their land rather than farm so economic activity may be improved during construction but once the facility is operational there are very few economic benefits to essential local businesses.

Wells claims that wind and solar development will “help preserve agricultural land”.  She does not mention that the New York state utility-scale solar siting program does not ensure responsible solar siting that protects agricultural land.  I have documented some of the issues with solar siting.  For example, the Department of Agriculture and Markets (“Department”) has a solar project siting goal “to limit the conversion of agricultural areas within the Project Areas, to no more than 10% of soils classified by the Department’s NYS Agricultural Land Classification soil groups 1-4, generally Prime Farmland soils, which represent the State’s most productive farmland.”  Undoubtedly due to lobbying pressure, the Department has submitted comments raising the issue when solar projects apply for permits but no application has been modified when the limit is exceeded.  The Morris Ridge Solar project is the biggest project in the state, and they did not convert any prime farmland so it can be done.  The Prime Farmland Scorecard at my solar issues page lists 35 solar projects and only 12 meet the Department goal and the average over all projects is 18%.  The total prime farmland converted to solar factories is 10,952 acres.

In her closing arguments she says that skepticism and questions are good, but “preconceived notions that don’t allow you to hear the facts are not.”  This leads up to an invitation to “continue this conversation at the 21st Annual Symposium on Energy in the 21st Century on April 4 at the SUNY College of Environmental Science and Forestry in Syracuse. This annual gathering of the grifters of the green energy scam is an example of the many ways that green energy can pay out.  I am familiar with examples of symposiums on issues of the day that provided the organizer with enough money to forgo full-time work.  I have little doubts that this symposium is any different.

Worse these purveyors of doom and gloom who claim it can be solved with their green energy solutions are a real danger to society.  Bryce provides two relevant reasons related to the Federal programs that are also applicable to New York:

First and foremost, the ITC and PTC are, to use the title of Meredith Angwin’s excellent 2020 book, shorting the grid. The massive subsidies for weather-dependent forms of generation are distorting electricity markets and contributing to the premature closure of the thermal plants needed to assure the affordability, reliability, and resilience of our electric grid.

Second, these subsidies are fueling the landscape-wrecking, bird-and-bat killing, property-value-destroying energy sprawl that comes with the expansion of Big Solar and Big Wind. They are also fueling the insane expansion of offshore wind energy into the known habitat of the critically endangered North Atlantic Right Whale and other marine mammals.

Conclusion

The Scoping Plan and all the proposed green energy programs are crimes against physics.  The energy density of wind and solar energy is too low and the resource intermittency too variable so that no electric system relying on those resources for most of its energy can ever hope to provide reliable electricity.  If this reality is not acknowledged soon and these policies paused, then the enormous costs of this futile gesture to control the climate will bankrupt the state. 

Despite all the evidence that this can never work, the Hochul Administration continues to push the Climate Act, supporters like Wells continue to get misleading opinions published, and people flock to meetings to congratulate each other on their virtuous plans.  I believe that ultimately the reason for the continuing support is the money.  For every advocate motivated to save the planet for selfless reasons, there is someone whose primary motivation is cashing in on the scam.

New York Budget Articles

I have never closely followed New York State’s budgeting process before because I never felt connected to Albany politics, and it seemed so complicated.  My obsession with the unfolding disaster of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) net-zero transition has prompted me to take an interest in the process.  The latest New York Focus Newsletter describes budget articles that include an overview of the process and discussion of funding proposals with one article focused on funding for the ambitious climate goals.  I recommend all the stories to New York readers.

I am convinced that implementation of the New York Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Budget Overview

Sam Mellins answers questions about the state’s notoriously opaque budget process.  His article addresses the following questions:

  • What is the state budget?  It is likely to allocate over $250 billion with “biggest shares going to healthcare and education.  He makes the critical point that the budgeting legislation is also used to “enact laws that don’t involve spending money.”  Guess how the Climate Act was passed.
  • Where does the money come from?  Most of the money allocated in the budget comes from the taxes that New Yorkers pay to the state government. But a sizable portion is cash that the federal government gives New York to provide services “ranging from highways and transit to health insurance for low-income residents.”
  • What are the major steps in the budget process?  This description summarizes the process that is used to pass the budget.
  • Who are the key players?  I was aware that the budget negotiations boiled down to a few individuals. Mellins explains that “Three key parties dominate the process: the governor, the Senate majority leader, and the Assembly speaker.”
  • How does our process compare to other states?  This is a must-read section: “In a 2015 analysis by the Center for Public Integrity, New York ranked dead last among all states for accountability and transparency in its budget process.”  Not surprisingly the politicians ignore State Constitution requirements and push things through at the last minute.
  • Is the entire budget up for negotiation?   Mellins explains that most of the budget is more or less on autopilot so only “optional” items cause debate.
  • How does the public get involved?  Mellins notes that the budget process is always accompanied by a flurry of lobbying, activism, and advocacy and that “Any New Yorker can submit written testimony during budget hearings.” 

Funding the Green Transition

Colin Kinniburgh describes how the Senate, Assembly and Governor stand on funding Climate Act implementation.  As this is my primary focus, I will quote his article in its entirety with my annotated comments.  He introduces the article with this: ” If Albany is planning to rally against the Trump administration’s attack on its climate plans, it’s not showing in the budget.”

The New York Cap and Invest program is of special interest to me.  Establishing any cost on carbon like this program is no more than a hidden and regressive tax.  The slow pace of implementation may be the result of dawning realization that the costs involved may be politically inimical to its political supporters.  Kinniburgh describes the status:

In New York, the governor sets the budget agenda. That’s particularly clear on climate this year. Breaking two years of promises, Governor Kathy Hochul in January dropped the climate funding program known as “cap and invest” from her 2025 agenda. Her agencies have been writing the rules to structure the carbon pricing program, but the legislature would likely have needed to approve spending the resulting revenue — about $3 billion a year and growing — setting up what could have been a major budget fight.

Hochul effectively brushed that plan off the table, and the legislature isn’t making any big moves to bring it back.

The reality is that this is a major undertaking but despite the challenge the Department of Environmental Conservation managed to get draft rules put together.  The reason that they have not been released is solely due to politics and the inevitable need to show the costs.  No amount of gilding the pig with slogans will be able to hide the costs.  But funds are still needed if the Climate Act transition is to proceed.

In the place of the permanent program, Hochul offered a one-time, $1 billion budget line to fund a variety of climate initiatives over the next five years. The Senate and Assembly have both accepted that amount, though they want more guardrails on how it’s spent. Hochul’s proposal lists a few broad areas she wants to fund, like renewables and building retrofits, but gives little further detail.

The Senate wants to give legislative leaders a chance to review the governor’s spending plan. The Assembly has gone further, divvying the $1 billion between seven programs advancing building decarbonization and electric vehicles, particularly school buses and charging infrastructure.

“The governor and Senate have a slush fund, the Assembly makes clear allocations,” said Liz Moran, Northeast policy advocate at Earthjustice, in a text message.

In this political process the missing piece by the Governor and the legislators is the reality that they don’t have the expertise to set energy policy funding priorities.  Selective listening to supposed authoritative sources all the while ignoring the experts who have the responsibility to keep the lights on, choosing winners and losers based on lobbyist effectiveness, and setting priorities based on the whims of favored constituencies is sure to result in poor policy.

The Senate also includes a nod to cap and invest in its budget resolution, urging the governor to “immediately issue all draft regulations necessary” to implement the program. (Hochul has said her agencies need more time to complete the rules, but internal emails reported by Politico show that they were ready to go before she abruptly hit the brakes in January.) There’s little chance that the message will revive cap and invest in this year’s budget, but it adds to a growing chorus. (Green groups’ call to release the regulations may soon be backed up by a lawsuit, according to Michael Gerrard, director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.)

This paragraph scares me.  The only thing that could foul up the proposed cap-and-invest program more than the provisions inserted in the draft regulations to comport with the Climate Act would be for politicians to get involved with implementation details.  Well maybe it would be worse if some judge decides how to do the implementation.  Kinniburgh goes on to describe other “big-ticket climate items.”

The NY HEAT Act, a top priority for green groups, once again faces an uphill battle. For the third year running, the Senate has included the bill — which would allow the state to gradually transition homes off fossil fuels — in its budget proposal. But the chamber is alone in doing so. Last year, Hochul included a version of the bill in her budget, but the Assembly blocked it in final negotiations.

There’s no sign in its budget proposal that the Assembly is warming to the HEAT Act this year. Two assembly members told New York Focus that its omission reflected the chamber’s longstanding — and inconsistently held — position that policy does not belong in the budget, but they expected it to be on the table in final talks.

I could not agree more with the admonition that policy does not belong in the budget.  What is absolutely necessary for the climate budgeting strategy is a clear, transparent, and well documented description of the costs, emission reductions, realistic implementation schedules, and expected revenue streams for the strategies proposed to meet the Climate Act mandates.  The time for only providing the slogan that the cost of inaction is more than the cost of action has long since passed.  New Yorkers deserve the details.  The total costs to implement the NY Heat Act is a prime example of this need.

There is one new climate item that the legislature has aligned on: solar tax credits. The current $5,000 credit for homeowners who install solar power took effect in 2006 and has not been updated since. The Assembly and Senate want to increase the maximum credit to $10,000 and make it easier for co-op and low-income residents to receive it.

The tweak would give a further boost to small-scale solar, the only area where New York has outpaced its climate targets. The state closed out last year with 6.6 gigawatts of rooftop and community solar, beating its 2025 goal. But research has found that the subsidies fueling that growth go disproportionately to high-income homeowners. This year’s budget legislation, with newfound support from the Assembly, aims to shift the balance.

This is a perfect example of political ambition outrunning reality.  It is accepted by all credible sources that to support a reliable New York State electric grid that depends primarily upon wind, solar, and short-term storage resources that a new dispatchable and emissions-free resource (DEFR) must be deployed.  In my opinion, the most promising DEFR technology is nuclear generation because it is the only candidate resource that is technologically ready, can be expanded as needed, and does not suffer from limitations of the Second Law of Thermodynamics. If the only viable DEFR solution is nuclear, then renewables cannot be implemented without it.  But nuclear power runs best as baseload generation so it can replace renewables, eliminating the need for a massive DEFR backup resource.  Therefore, it would be prudent to pause all actions that encourage further renewable development until DEFR feasibility is proven because nuclear generation may be the only viable path to zero emissions.

Kinniburgh concludes:

Solar boost aside, the Senate and Assembly’s proposals leave climate issues largely where Hochul did: in the margins of budget talks. Almost six years after New York passed a climate law promising to shift its economy away from fossil fuels, the state has committed no consistent funding to do so, and it looks like this year’s budget will not change that.

I would only add that six years after the law passed the Hochul Administration has still not opened the books on the expected costs.  In these budget debates those costs are absolutely necessary.

Other Articles

The newsletter included links to other articles about the budget.  There is one about budget showdown hot topics including millionaire tax hikes and inflation rebate checks. Another article dives into the proposal for a “middle-class” tax cut.  The legislature has proposed more money for child care than proposed by the Governor.  Another item raised by the legislature are changes to the school funding formula.  The legislature has proposed a boost to nonprofits and safety net programs serving New York’s neediest.  After the recent prison strikes actions on prisons and public safety policies will be debated.

Conclusion

As a New Yorker I am not sure what is the biggest embarrassment.  Is it a plan to completely transform the economy to eliminate fossil fuels without doing a feasibility analysis before implementing it?  Or is it the annual budget process back-room shenanigans described in these New York Focus articles.  The only thing I am sure of is that the impacts of both are not in the best interests of New York.

Renewables are Cheaper Because of Fuel Volatility

I have run into a couple of instances where New York Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) proponents have claimed that renewable energy development can reduce costs.  This article responds to the argument that reduced fuel price volatility will make renewables cheaper.

I am convinced that implementation of the New York Climate Act net-zero mandates will do more harm than good if the future electric system relies only on wind, solar, and energy storage because of reliability and affordability risks.  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 500 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Renewable Energy Can Reduce Costs

I am disappointed that the renewable energy can reduce costs claim has made it into the New York State Energy Plan process.  The Energy Plan is “a comprehensive roadmap to build a clean, resilient, and affordable energy system for all New Yorkers”.  When the Energy Planning Board met on March 3, 2025 to adopt the scope for the state energy plan the claim was mentioned.  One item on the agenda was a discussion of the “planned approach for techno-economic pathways analysis”.  This is the analysis work whereby the state agencies and their consultants will “prove” the pre-conceived notion that the Climate Act net-zero transition concocted by politicians will work. 

The presentation by Jeff Freedman from the Atmospheric Sciences Research Center, University at Albany, Albany, New York included the following slide that makes the claim that renewable energy can reduce costs. One characteristic of the New York State Energy Research & Development Authority (NYSERDA) documentation for the implementation plan is inadequate documentation, so it is not surprising that the justification for the claim is not readily available.

Table 6-1 was in New York State Climate Impacts Assessment Chapter 06: Energy.  That chapter does not address renewable energy costs specifically.  I searched for references for costs in the chapter and found only one relevant reference on page 370:

Energy costs: Fossil fuel prices are increasingly volatile, largely because they are traded on global markets. In contrast, a power sector composed of large volumes of renewable resources that have no fuel costs could lead to less volatile energy bills due to the elimination of this driver of variability in energy costs. The presence of distributed resources amplifies this effect. Whether the costs of a clean power sector are lower than, comparable to, or higher than the status quo, they will be more predictable and less likely to create indirect costs that arise from unexpected price changes.

I am aware of one other instance where this rationale was mentioned.  The December 18, 2024 New York Assembly Committee on Energy public hearing enabled legislators to question NYSERDA and the New York State Department of Public Service (DPS) staff about Climate Act progress. When Jessica Waldorf, Chief of Staff & Director of Policy Implementation, DPS was asked what impact Climate Act GHG emission reductions would have given that New York emissions are smaller than the observed annual increases in global GHG emissions. Waldorf said that there are other reasons “to build renewable energy resources in New York that are not just related to emissions.”  She gave two reasons: energy security and price volatility. 

The other thing I would say about energy security is price volatility.  Customers are beholden to the whims of the fossil fuel industry and the up and down markets that we see from fossil fuels.  Localizing our energy production and renewables allows us for price stability.  That is definitely a benefit of building resources here. 

The presumption in this article is that the basis of these claims that renewable energy will be cheaper and less volatile is that a renewable energy dependent electric system will have less unstable fuel costs resulting in cheaper and more secure energy.  This in turn is based on two presumptions: fuel prices are volatile because of global markets and renewables would eliminate this cost driver.

Fuel Volatility

The US Energy Information Administration (EIA) noted in June 2024 that fossil fuel price volatility has shown significant changes over time, with recent years experiencing particularly high levels of volatility: “In 2022, natural gas price volatility reached extreme levels, with historical volatility peaking at 171% in February 2022, the highest since at least 1994.”  Note that EIA is only discussing natural gas volatility which has become a much larger electric generating fuel source in recent years.  In my opinion, the increasing reliance on a single fuel could be the fundamental reason for the observed increase in volatility.

In any case, the New York agency global market argument picks just one driver for fuel price volatility.  The EIA  gave other reasons for natural gas variability in August 2022:

Increased uncertainty about market conditions that affect natural gas supply and demand can result in high price volatility. Events that have contributed to changing market conditions include:

  • Production freeze-offs
  • Storms
  • Unplanned pipeline maintenance and outages
  • Significant departures from normal weather
  • Changes in inventory levels
  • Availability of substitute fuels
  • Changes in imports or exports
  • Other sudden changes in demand

U.S. natural gas prices are typically more volatile during the first quarter of a year because of the fluctuating demand for natural gas for space heating as weather changes. Factors that contributed to heightened volatility in the first three months of this year include:

Of the eight events that contribute to changing market conditions and fuel volatility is the only one is related to global market conditions.

Jurisdictional Proof

When I get around to submitting a comment on the weakness of this argument, I intend to demand that the proponents of the Climate Act offer an example of a jurisdiction where the electric system has become reliant on wind and solar renewable generation and consumer costs have gone down because the fuel volatility has decreased.  To my knowledge, all jurisdictions have seen consumer cost increases. 

I used Perplexity AI to research electric energy prices as a function of wind and solar deployment.  My experience showed the weaknesses of AI research.  The response to the question whether consumers in any jurisdiction have seen decreased costs when transitioning their electric system to rely on wind and solar claimed that it was true.  The response said: “This trend is driven by the rapidly declining costs of renewable energy technologies and their increasing cost-competitiveness compared to conventional fossil fuel sources.”  The reference cited was from Ember-Energy “a global energy think tank that accelerates the clean energy transition with data and policy” that can hardly be considered an unbiased source.  The response also does not address consumer rate costs.  It makes the mistaken claim that the cost of developing renewable technologies has little relation to the delivered cost of electricity to consumers. In the real world, the cost of storage to address intermittency, the cost of additional transmission support to address diffuse wind and solar, and the cost to provide the ancillary transmission support services not available from wind and solar, make renewables much more expensive than fossil fuels.   I was unable to frame a question that provided an answer that acknowledged that the costs necessary to provide consumers with reliable power made delivered renewable energy more expensive.

German Experience

However, if the claim is true then proponents should be able to point to jurisdictions where wind, solar, and energy storage have make electric prices cheaper.  The best example of the claim that renewable energy is cheaper because it reduces fuel volatility should be Germany.  Oil, coal and gas prices spiked in the immediate aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and have been volatile ever since. Germany’s Energiewende is the country’s planned transition to a low-carbon, nuclear-free economy and is often cited as an example of what New York should do. Enerdata reports that “According to the German Federal Network Agency, the installed renewable power capacity in Germany increased by nearly 20 GW (+12%) to nearly 190 GW in 2024.” If the proponent’s claim is true then prices should be trending down.  However, since 2000, electricity prices for German households have risen by 116%, from 13.94 to 30.43 cents per kilowatt-hour in 2019 .  As of April 1, 2024, households with basic supplier contracts were paying around 46 cents per kilowatt-hour, making it “the most expensive option compared to other providers or special contracts” .

Another way to look at the claim is to compare electricity prices within the European Union.  I highly recommend  the Nemeth Report for its coverage of European energy issues. The post EU Action Plan for Affordable Energy  includes just such a comparison.  It quotes Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, as saying: “We’re driving energy prices down and competitiveness up. We have already significantly reduced energy prices in Europe by doubling down on renewables. “

However, the data in the following figure do not support her claim. 

The analysis states that:

Note that the household price average shows a large difference between EU countries that use coal, nuclear, and gas vs those that have focused on wind and solar. For example, as shown in the chart above, according to Statista, using 2023 data, Hungary’s electricity price was 9.68 Eurocents/kwh (50% of their electricity is from nuclear, 38% coal & gas) and Bulgaria which relies mostly on coal and nuclear was around 11 Eurocents/kwh, whereas Germany, which has “doubled down on renewables” (and closed down its nuclear), was the highest at 44.97 Eurocents/kwh and Denmark which has a small population and a whole lot of windmills was at 39.44 Eurocents/kwh! 

Data sources and the year of the data matters. Eurostat uses numbers from the first quarter of 2024 which reorder some of the countries but the overall argument, that countries that “doubled down on renewables” and made other poor choices of shutting down nuclear power plants and/or coal experienced higher prices, remains supported. 

Discussion

Roger Pielke, Jr recently posted an article about the politicization of expertise that is relevant here.  He argues that society needs to depend on the expertise of specialists in many fields – “Nobody knows enough to run the government”.  As a result, society needs all of us.  He explains that “We do not have to agree on everything, but we do have to work together”.  Then he points out that “In recent years, credential expertise—like many things—has become pathologically politicized.”         

Such is the case shown by the politicization of the Climate Act implementation led by NYSERDA.   Consider, for example, the presentation by Jeff Freedman to the Planning Board.  It is concerning on a couple of levels.  In the first place, the Planning Board is composed of agency heads and political appointees who for the most part do not have background and experience in the energy sector.  Freedman was presented as an expert from the energy sector whose claim that “renewable energy can reduce costs” was probably taken as the gospel.  However, his main research focus is on “renewable energy and atmospheric boundary layer (ABL) processes” so his bias is towards renewable energy virtues and he has no energy sector experience that qualifies him to make such a statement.  He was a spokesman because of his adherence to the narrative.

In the second place, the presentations at the meeting suggest that NYSERDA will follow the Scoping Plan approach in the stakeholder process for the Energy Plan.  The primary purpose of the meeting was to approve the final scope of the Energy Plan.  As was the case with the Climate Act Scoping Plan the NYSERDA response to stakeholder comments is to document the number of comments received by category and provide general descriptions of key themes and “responsive Scope revisions”.  My problem with this is that if anyone provides specific comments or raises specific issues with claims, there is no documentation that the submittal was addressed, and nothing included to respond to the issue raised.  For example, the claim that renewable energy can reduce costs was undocumented in Freedman’s presentation.  I have no doubts that NYSERDA will continue the charade that renewable energy can reduce costs and that costs of inaction are worse than the costs of action.  They have never responded to related issues raised and will continue to do so as long as they can get away with it.  In my opinion this is another instance of pathologically politicized expertise by NYSERDA because they are so arrogant that they don’t see any need to respond to stakeholder comments.

Conclusion

The biggest threat to Climate Act progress is the inevitable extraordinary cost of implementation.  The Hochul Administration has ducked the issue since the Climate Act was passed.  They can only hide reality for so long.  The question is whether the issues associated with the net-zero transition will be addressed before New York’s economy is severely compromised.

In the meantime, if you ever hear anyone say renewable energy can reduce costs, please ask them why German electric prices are so high or to cite an example of any jurisdiction that is transitioning their electric system that has reduced ratepayer bill costs when using the Climate Act strategy to rely wind, solar, and energy storage resources.