Basis of New York Cap and Invest Health Benefits Claims

For the first two months of 2024 the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) and the New York Energy Research & Development Authority (NYSERDA) have been working on the  New York Cap-and-Invest (NYCI) Program stakeholder engagement process.  As part of the stakeholder engagement process there was a webinar describing the Preliminary Scenario Analyses.  One thing that caught my attention was the claim that health benefits could be as much as $15.7 billion in 2035 because of NYCI implementation.

Two recent blog posts described a literature article about the development of the Linear No Threshold (LNT) model for cancer risk that is the basis of the NYCI health benefits claim. This post describes the Journal of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene paper by Edward Calabrese “Cancer risk assessment, its wretched history and what it means for public health”   and the NYCI health benefits claims.

I have followed the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act)  since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 400 articles about New York’s net-zero transition. The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan outline of strategies.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan was finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations were supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation.  Not surprisingly, the aspirational schedule of the Climate Act has proven to be more difficult to implement than planned.  NYSERDA and DEC are attempting to promulgate rules for NYCI so that the program starts in 2025 and the regulatory package will claim significant health impacts that I think are unjustified.

Linear No Threshold Model

The weekly newsletter “The Week That Was: 2024-03-23” produced by the Science and Environmental Policy Project includes a section titled “Lack of Science Integrity” that describes the Edward Calabrese “Cancer risk assessment, its wretched history and what it means for public health”   paper.  That post walks the reader through the paper with extensive quotes including the introduction:

The story about to unfold in this commentary will be disturbing but perhaps not too surprising now in contemporary society. You will be taken on a path of discovery that explores the history of cancer risk assessment for radiation and chemical carcinogens. This commentary is about a history of errors made by scientific leaders that have long remained hidden and uncorrected. The evidence shows that major biases led to deliberate misrepresentations (i.e., blatant dishonesties) of the scientific record by the very people society was supposed to trust, including multiple Nobel Prize winners. Equally troubling have been the dishonest actions of organizations, such as major advisory bodies, including the US NAS and the journal Science that have repeatedly succumbed to violations of the public trust. As disappointing and upsetting as such statements are, it is hard to believe that this historical record could get even more corrupt, but it does. It has become known that major US scientists conducting important mutation and cancer studies hid data and deliberately withheld results from the public and scientific community. Why? Because the findings didn’t fit their preconceived beliefs and would not enhance opportunities to obtain more funding for themselves and their programs. Yes, the destructive self-interest of the research community, especially governmental and university scientists, in this case, presents a prominent but long hidden dimension that unfolds in a complex journey of discovery.

Society is faced with questions over who can be trusted in today’s world: government, scientists, prestigious advisory groups, like the United States National Academy of Sciences (US NAS), and major journals like Science, Nature, The Lancet, and others. These have historically all been the entities that society has trusted for decades. The historical record presented here, therefore, involves powerful and high-profile individuals and groups that manipulated the public for personal gain and is presented in the following eight-part expose.

If you are interested, then I encourage you to read the rest of the SEPP newsletter and the article itself but the implications are not immediately obvious without background.  Originally, I thought I would use this post as the basis for describing the background of problems identified in the Calabrese paper.  However, Francis Menton wrote a post doing just what I was planning to do. 

Menton notes that:

Calabrese’s article is long (18 two-column single-space pages) and goes into detail of the names involved, the particular pieces of evidence suppressed along the way, the manipulation of members of committees to get to desired outcomes, and so forth. It has a lengthy bibliography, including references to multiple prior articles of his own where he has been piecing together and building the story of the LNT fraud for years. If you are interested in this subject, I highly recommend this article.

Menton argues that this approach is a candidate for the greatest scientific fraud of all time.  He writes:

This fraud goes by the common acronym of “LNT,” which stands for the “linear no threshold” hypothesis of causation of diseases, particularly cancer, from environmental factors. The LNT hypothesis is the basis for huge swaths of enormously costly regulation, probably the large majority of environmental regulatory cost outside the sphere of “climate.” In a March 7 article in the Journal of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene, a guy named Edward Calabrese makes the case that the LNT hypothesis has been advanced by means of intentional fraud since its inception nearly 100 years ago. The title of the article is “Cancer risk assessment, its wretched history and what it means for public health.”

He describes the basis of the approach:

The LNT hypothesis theorizes that if a chemical or phenomenon (e.g., radiation) is established as dangerous at some dosage, no matter how high, then it must also be dangerous at small dosages, no matter how tiny. That conclusion follows if the relation of dose to danger is linear, with no threshold below which the danger goes away. A tiny dose may have a tiny danger, but as long as the dose/danger relationship is linear without threshold, then there is no safe dose.

This approach was originally developed to address cancer risk from nuclear radiation exposure, but the principle is now applied in other ways.

Calabrese’s article provides a thorough history of the origins of the LNT hypothesis, and how it was advanced and promoted by the suppression of definitive contrary evidence. By the 1970s the LNT hypothesis had the backing of the National Academy of Sciences and had been adopted by the EPA as the basis for regulating hazardous chemicals and radiation. The EPA continues to use the LNT approach in its regulatory efforts today, even as evidence accumulates that it is wrong and has been based on fraud from the outset. And thus, the LNT hypothesis is the fundamental reason why nuclear power plants are so expensive and difficult to build; why no long-term solution for storage of spent nuclear fuel can be found; why EPA constantly proposes new regulations lowering allowable levels of emissions of chemical substances like mercury or PCBs; why pesticides and herbicides like glyphosate become the subject of multi-billion dollar liability disasters; and so forth.

Menton goes on to explain:

The LNT hypothesis may at first seem intuitively likely to be true. For example, it is established that large doses of radiation can induce mutations that can lead to cancer. So why then couldn’t a single item of radiation, like one alpha particle or a single gamma ray, induce the mutation that initiates the disease? But Calabrese points out that the LNT hypothesis presumes that mutations are rare, and that the body has no capacity to repair ongoing mutations. What research has revealed is that, far from being rare, mutations are extremely common; and the body has a large capacity to repair them. Thus, a small external source of mutations, like background or low-dose radiation, is easily dealt with, and if anything helps to stimulate and exercise the body’s natural repair system. Only when an external force causes very extensive mutations exceeding the body’s capacity to repair — i.e., when some threshold is crossed — does the external force increase the risk of cancer or other disease. From Calabrese, page 16:

[T]he most dominating cause of evolution is our metabolism which induces millions of mutations per day in each cell, with 99.99999% being repaired each day. If our repair systems were not so exceptionally good, life would not exist. Our metabolism produces about 200 million times more genetic damage events per cell per day than that induced by background radiation. There is no contest between the two. What this means is that our body is our biggest enemy; it also means that it is also our best friend. The body’s great repair mechanisms evolved not to prevent and repair damage from background radiation but to fix the damage that our metabolism induces each day. Thus, the body’s repair systems are designed by nature to protect our bodies against ourselves, with background radiation being a very tiny and insignificant factor.

Sadly, this approach is widely used and now provides “justification” for many environmental regulations.  Proponents calculate a relationship between health effects at two high levels then extrapolate the dose response curve to ridiculously low levels.  Even though there is a tiny effect multiplying the impact over a large population provides scary projections for things like asthma exacerbation.  Menton explains why it has become so pervasive.

So how did the LNT hypothesis gain such enormous sway, and become the basis for extensive and destructive government decision-making for decades? Calabrese points out that, by contrast to the threshold hypothesis, the LNT hypothesis has the potential to induce great fear in the public, and thus to stimulate large opportunities for funding and career advancement:

[T]he experts got the radiation and chemical mutation idea wrong from the start but they convinced many that they were correct and created debilitating fear in the population at the same time. We also learned that one of the reasons that these great scientists created such fears was to advance their careers and to get a constant flow of government grant monies.

In the next section I will show how NYSERDA and DEC have used this approach for NYCI.  Menton provides a good segue to that section:

Meanwhile, our government and its “experts” merrily go forth regulating on the basis of the LNT hypothesis, and imposing enormous costs on society for no benefit. From Calabrese’s Conclusion:

[The scientists who promoted the LNT hypothesis] were driven by ideological and self-serving professional biases that would lead to both falsifications of the research record and suppression of key scientific findings, all to establish the LNT model for hereditary and cancer risk assessment, replacing the threshold dose-response model. This troubling history has now been revealed in a long series of peer-reviewed publications by the author and summarized in a broad conversational manner in this Commentary. This troubling history remained hidden from regulatory agencies around the globe since its inception. These groups simply and uncritically accepted a flawed and corrupt history, assuming that it was accurate and reliable. Yet this path of historical ignorance led the US EPA, and other national regulatory agencies, to accept a dishonest foundation upon which to base and frame cancer risk assessment, terribly failing in their public service mission.

New York Cap and Invest Health Impacts

The purpose of this article is to show the basis for the projected health effects of NYCI. At the January 26, 2024 webinar the methodology for the health effects was described.   In brief, fuel consumption changes by sector projected by their modeling were used to estimate changes in emissions.  The changes in emissions reduce ambient air quality levels and this leads to the alleged health benefit improvements.  Because the emissions estimates cannot be broken down into detail the air quality impacts also are broad estimates.  EPA’s CO-Benefits Risk Assessment Health Impacts Screening and Mapping Tool uses the LNT approach to estimate health impacts, primarily for improvements in inhalable particulate matter that is 2.5 microns or smaller.

The projected health impacts description claims that there are substantial benefits.

The NYCI Preliminary Analysis Data Annex spreadsheet includes supplementary health effects data for the webinar presentation and  a table that estimates impacts on air quality and health.  The following table excerpts some of the health benefits projections.  Frankly, I think that all these improvements are well within normal variation so the whole exercise has little value.  Note that I expected that each of the benefits would be linearly proportional to the change in concentrations but applying the ratio of 2025 to 2030 improved concentrations to the health benefits did not match exactly.  In all cases the assumed proportional benefit was less than the benefits shown.

Despite the lack of an exact linear match, I believe the results are close enough to use them to project health benefits between the inhalable particulate concentrations in 2000 relative to 2022.  The Department of Environmental Conservation runs a network of inhalable particulate monitoring stations across the state and summarizes the results in its Ambient Air Quality Reports.  I extracted the annual average concentrations for seven widely ranged sites with the longest records.  All the stations show significant improvements in the inhalable concentrations over the period of record.  I calculated the average of these sites in 2000 11.4 micro grams per cubic meter and 2022 6.0 micro grams per cubic meter for a statewide improvement of 5.4.

New York State Annual Average Inhalable Particulate Air Quality (micro grams per cubic meter) Trend

The following table compares the observed improvement in air quality and projects health benefit improvements proportional to the change in inhalable particulates.  If there has been an observed reduction of over one million emergency room visits for asthma between 2000 and 2022 then I will believe the NYCI health benefit projections.  I have never seen anyone verify this health benefit model which should be easy to do.  I expect that the results would be inconvenient, and proponents of this methodology know this so it has never been done.

Conclusion

In every instance I have checked the Hochul Administration has overstated the benefits and understated the costs of the net-zero transition.  New York’s cap-and-invest projected health benefits are a vivid example of how NYSERDA manipulates the narrative to claim benefits that far exceed any reasonable interpretation.  I think Menton’s conclusion is an appropriate: “As of today, there is no evident retreat by EPA or other U.S. regulatory agencies from the LNT model. Fear sells, and they have no ability or incentive to self-correct.” 

New York Climate Plan Needs Publicly Funded Spin Doctor

This post was originally posted at Watts Up With That. Special thanks to Charles Rotter for using AI to create this fantastic cover picture used at WUWT.

This is another article about New York’s climate “leadership” that I fear will trickle down to a state near you.  Ken Girardin from the Empire Center breaks the story of New York’s latest attempt to shore up public support for the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act).  This article explains that the State “is especially concerned about certain areas of the climate program, noting they should be able to “immediately address emerging unforeseen events that draw media scrutiny”.

I have followed the Climate Act  since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 400 articles about New York’s net-zero transition. The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction in GHG emissions and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  Despite the enormous impacts to energy affordability, threats to electric system reliability, and mandates affecting personal energy choices I believe many New Yorkers are unaware of the law. In 2023 transition recommendations were supposed to be implemented through regulation, Public Service Commission orders, and legislation.  Not surprisingly, the aspirational schedule of the Climate Act has proven to be more difficult to implement than planned. 

NYS Seeks Spin Doctor To Fight Climate Law Critics

Girardin discovered that the New York State Energy Research and Development Agency (NYSERDA) are hiring a public relations outfit, using $500,000 per year of public money, to “maintain a positive narrative” and “respond to negative viewpoints” about the state’s Climate Act. 

NYSERDA has been charged with supporting the technical analyses that are supporting the development and deployment of the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. Many aspects of the transition are falling behind, and the magnitude of the required actions is coming into focus. As a result, enough questions are being asked that the State has decided it needs to respond.

Girardin notes that the  just-released request for proposal from the New York State Energy Research and Development Agency (NYSERDA) seeks: 

public relations professionals or public relations firms interested in providing public relations/communications services to advance the goals of NYSERDA and the Climate Leadership Community and Protection Act (Climate Act) by building awareness of and support for the Climate Act and assisting in developing a narrative around New York State’s clean energy and climate priorities and providing rapid response communications services, if necessary.

He describes the genesis of the problem and current situation:

The law was passed without anything close to a cost estimate or feasibility study, and five years into its implementation, the Climate Act has created headaches for state officials. Among other things, the state Department of Environmental Conservation has blown off a statutory deadline to implement related regulations that would, among other things, ban replacement gas appliances and fossil-fuel furnaces and impose an economywide tax-like charge on businesses responsible for greenhouse gas emissions.

None of the reports or analyses have provided a transparent full disclosure of the assumptions, expected emission reductions, and costs for the implementation of control strategies.  What is clear however is that NYSERDA has glommed on to the Climate Act funding as much as possible.  NYSERDA’s payroll has doubled in the past decade.  It already gets funding from a range of grants, taxes and energy-related charges, and Girardin notes that it’s not clear which would be used to fund this contract. 

NYSERDA already has a sizable communications and marketing operation so this push to bring in outside help is remarkable. Girardin suggests that this proposal is tasked to what the State policy makers must think is a real problem:

The RFP doesn’t just want someone to promote the Climate Act. It specifically seeks someone who can “rapidly respond to negative viewpoints and perceptions about the State’s climate and clean energy goals under the Climate Act, the costs associated with the Climate Act, and challenges to particular policies and programs.” 

Clearly, you can only hide the impacts to the state of a complete transformation of the energy system in the state for so long.  Girardin points out that NYSERDA posted the RFP two weeks after a report from the Empire Center showed “how state officials had violated the law, misrepresented Climate Act costs and made fanciful assumptions about how the electric grid would function in 2030.“  I am not the only one who has been making similar arguments for many months so it is not surprising that these issues are getting traction despite the efforts of NYSERDA to date.

I thought Girardin laid out a strategy to raise issues when he described the primary concerns of the request for proposal (RFP).  If these are their issues of concern then pragmatists like me should be strengthening our arguments about these topics.

The RFP suggests NYSERDA is especially concerned about certain areas of the climate program, noting they should be able to “immediately address emerging unforeseen events that draw media scrutiny” in areas including: 

  • “Questions and concerns on affordability for New Yorkers and direct costs to ratepayers as a result of the State’s clean energy and climate transition” including the cost of the planned “cap-and-invest” system. 
  • “Concerns related to the cost and practicality of supporting building decarbonization, the implementation of codes for same and a phase out of fossil fuels in new construction;” 
  • “Concerns related to transitioning cars, trucks, and SUVs sold in New York to zero emissions, and requiring all school buses in operation in the state to be zero-emission by 2035;” (This last policy, required by a separate state law, has given school districts sticker-shock, both with the cost premium of electric models and the unexpected cost of electricity infrastructure upgrades). 
  • “Challenges with the lithium-ion batteries and the scale up of stationary battery storage systems, as well as related fires, safety issues, and the work of the associated working groups.” 
  • “[A]ddressing the headwinds” related to the state’s large-scale renewable energy projects (and presumably NYSERDA’s decision to let offshore wind developers extort an extra $8 billion or so out of state electricity customers last month). 

Girardin lays out an argument why this RFP is troubling at a higher level that I think is irrefutable.

Encouraging people to use less energy or to participate in state programs can serve the public interest by lowering costs for everyone or improving grid reliability. And educating them about a law’s existence to increase compliance is one thing, but spending public funds to “build support” and challenge accurate criticism sounds more like political speech that taxpayers should not be compelled to fund. If not unconstitutional, it certainly is illiberal. 

What would the response have been if Governor George Pataki had used funds seized from low-level drug offenders to hire flacks to “maintain a positive narrative” that the Rockefeller drug laws were good and shouldn’t be changed? Or if an upstate county had used sales tax revenue to buy billboards to reduce support for the Climate Act, perhaps by telling residents how Climate Act programs to benefit New York City will soon be funded with hidden charges on their electricity bills? 

It’s easy to imagine the—justifiably—breathless tantrums that would have ensued if a different administration had used NYSERDA funds to pressure lawmakers to repeal the state’s ban on natural gas fracking or obstacles to new nuclear power plants.

One of my biggest problems with the state’s implementation plan is the failure to acknowledge the misleading cost-benefit descriptions.  Girardin shares my concern:

NYSERDA deserves extra skepticism because the state has gone to great lengths to keep people in the dark about the Climate Act. Legally required cost estimates for Climate Act programs were never released and the revised State Energy Plan, which would show where costs are headed, is several years overdue. NYSERDA spent a year in court fighting to block the release of a Cuomo-era study which appeared to raise doubts about the costs and feasibility of the state’s climate agenda.  

He concludes that reality will eventually win out:

Ultimately it matters little what people are told about the Climate Act, by NYSERDA or otherwise. New Yorkers will in short order face higher fuel costs, higher property taxes, higher compliance costs and higher electricity rates, interspersed with news about businesses either leaving or cancelling investments because of energy concerns. 

The Climate Act, on its own, will tell people exactly how it works. And that might be what NYSERDA fears most.

Conclusion

As a New Yorker this is yet another embarrassment.  The State’s narrative is that everyone is on board with this fantastic plan that will “encourage other jurisdictions to implement complementary greenhouse gas reduction strategies and provide an example of how such strategies can be implemented”.  It is not clear whether a plan that requires a spin doctor can serve as an example to others.

Despite the embarrassment it is encouraging that the State is scared enough that they have to go this route.  The folks who have ignored this law are starting to wake up as the implementation plans roll out.  Hopefully this is a sign that the inevitable pushback is starting.

New Year’s Resolution – Methane Response

Happy New Year!

I wrote an article for Watts Up With That  that described my New Year’s resolution: I resolve that when I hear anyone say that methane is more potent than carbon dioxide because the radiative forcing produced is greater, I will say that is only true in the laboratory on a dry molecular basis.  In the atmosphere, where it counts, methane is not nearly as potent.  I had hoped to get feedback and recommendations and I was not disappointed.  This post provides the rationale for my resolution.

I have followed the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 380 articles about New York’s net-zero transition. The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Rationale

I have heard the methane scare story everywhere but my primary concern is New York.  As part of New York’s Climate Act methane is irrationally disparaged as part of the war on natural gas.  The rationale used always revolves around the potency of methane relative to CO2.  I believe that the preponderance of information shows that the argument is incorrect.  I have developed a page that consolidates reasons why methane should not be vilified and updated it based on comments made.  The following summarizes my rationale.

Clyde Spencer explained that changes to radiation effects occur on a molecule-by-molecule basis in the atmosphere in an article titled The Misguided Crusade to Reduce Anthropogenic Methane Emissions.  The Climate Act tracks emissions by weight.  In the atmosphere CO2 is more than two orders of magnitude more abundant than CH4 on a molecular basis. The Climate Act uses the global warming potential that estimates the mid-range, long-term warming potential of CH4 is 32 times that of CO2.  However, that equivalence is for equal weights of the two gases!  Using a molecular basis (parts per million-volume mole-fraction) to account for the lighter CH4 molecule reveals that the annual contribution to warming is a fraction of that claimed for CO2.  Methane emissions on a molecular basis are increasing at a rate of 0.58% of CO2 increases.   Therefore, changes in methane emissions have insignificant effects.

Several commenters pointed out that that methane and water vapor affect the same area of the spectrum of outgoing radiation thus reducing the effect of any changes in methane concentrations. .Rud Istvan explained that:

Methane is a potent GHG in the lab because the lab uses a standard dry atmosphere.  I”n the real world methane’s two main infrared absorption bands (at about 3.5 and 8 microns) are completely overlapped by two of the several broader and much stronger water vapor absorption bands, specifically those from about 2.5-4 and 6-9 microns. In a world averaging about 2% specific humidity, any methane effect is literally swamped by water vapor effect.

Cyan quantified the effect of the spectral overlap “Water vapor reduces the potency of methane by about 82 percent at 80%RH. At 46% RH (from the US Standard Atmosphere) the reduction is less, at 75%.”

Andy May’s excellent summarization of Wijngaarden and Happer’s important paper “Dependence of Earth’s Thermal Radiation on Five Most Abundant Greenhouse Gases” takes a slightly different approach.  He explains that the greenhouse effect of methane is not only related to the effect on longwave radiation itself but also the concentration in the atmosphere.  Because the atmospheric concentration of methane is so small doubling concentrations change the “outgoing forcing by less than one percent”.  In other words, doubling emissions or cutting emissions in half of methane will have no measurable effect on global warming itself. A comment by “It does not add up” pointed out that Wijngaarden and Happer also produced a separate paper concentrating specifically on methane.

Ralph B. Alexander describes another molecular consideration ignored in the Climate Act.  Each greenhouse gas affects outgoing radiation differently across the bell-shaped radiation spectrum   One of the reasons that CO2 is considered the most important greenhouse gas is that its effect coincides with the peak of the bell shape.  On the other hand, the effect of CH4 is down in the tail of the bell shape.  As a result, the potential effect of CH4 is on the order of only 20% of the effect of CO2.

The residence time of the two gases is different.  Methane only has a lifetime of about 10-12 years in the atmosphere.  The “consensus” science claim is that 80% of the anthropogenic CO2 emissions are removed within 300 years.  (Note however that there are other estimates of much shorter residence times.) This means that CO2 is accumulating in the atmosphere.  CH4 is converted to CO2 and is then counted in the monthly CO2 measurements as part of the CO2 flux.  Because methane does not accumulate the same way as CO2 it should be handled differently.  However, the Climate Act doubles down.  Climate Act authors claimed it was necessary to use 20-year global warming potential (GWP) values because methane is estimated to be 28 to 36 greater than carbon dioxide for a 100-year time horizon but 84-87 greater GWP over a 20-year period.

Conclusion

The Climate Act uses explicit language to magnify the accounting for methane emissions that make the use of natural gas more expensive.  Last spring I described legislation that was proposed and endorsed by the Hochul Administration that would have changed the accounting to be consistent with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the Environmental Protection Agency, and most other jurisdictions.  The climate activist community went nuts and the legislation never progressed. 

The problem is that I show here that the basis for their indignation is flawed as I point out in my resolution.  Methane does not have greater impacts than carbon dioxide and should not be treated as mandated by the Climate Act.  My recent article about righteous risks noted that the activists who push the evil methane narrative are driven more by moral idealism than pragmatic concerns.  In this instance, their demand for different treatment means that the proposed New York Cap-and-Invest program cannot join other jurisdictions because the emissions accounting will be different.  New York will have to develop all the infrastructure and regulations for its program on its own.

Scoping Plan Cost Obfuscation

New York’s Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) has a legal mandate for New York State greenhouse gas emissions to meet the ambitious net-zero goal by 2050. The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda” and voted to release the Draft Scoping Plan late last year.  I recently posted an article describing my fruitless search for cost number documentation that would enable me or anyone else to evaluate their cost claims.  This post describes an egregious example of hiding the true costs of the Scoping Plan.

I have written extensively on implementation of the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy outstrip available renewable technology such that it will adversely affect reliability and affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York, and cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Background

The Climate Act establishes a “Net Zero” target by 2050. The Climate Act requires the Climate Action Council to “[e]valuate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available” in the Scoping Plan. Starting in the Fall of 2020 seven advisory panels developed recommended strategies to meet the targets that were presented to the Climate Action Council in the spring of 2021.  Those recommendations were translated into specific policy options in an integration analysis by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants.  The integration analysis was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021. The public comment period extends through at least the end of April 2022. 

I have been working my way through the massive draft document preparing comments on issues that I see.  I have assessed the claimed benefits which was relatively easy because there was a relatively adequate amount of documentation.   However, the cost documentation is very poor.  I have explained that the only description of the net direct costs is a bar chart without a breakdown of the cost components.  This article addresses a nuance to the net direct costs presented in the Draft Scoping Plan.

Net Direct Cost Information

In my latest assessment of direct costs in the Draft Scoping Plan I documented what information was provided for stakeholder assessment of costs.  Starting on page 80 the Draft Scoping Plan section 10.3 Key Benefit-Cost Assessment Findings describes costs.  However, the technical documentation is in Appendix G: Integration Analysis Technical Supplement.   On page 64 of Appendix G, Section I, the text describes the cost metrics included in the Draft Scoping Plan:

The integration analysis includes calculations for three different cost metrics: Net Present Value (NPV) of net direct costs, annual net direct costs, and system expenditure.

        • NPV of Net Direct Costs: NPV of levelized costs in each scenario incremental to the Reference Case from 2020-2050. All NPV calculations assume a discount rate of 3.6%. This metric includes incremental direct capital investment, operating expenses, and fuel expenditures.
        • Annual Net Direct Costs: Net direct costs are levelized costs in a given scenario incremental to the Reference Case for a single year snapshot. This metric includes incremental direct capital investment, operating expenses, and fuel expenditures.
        • System Expenditure: System expenditure is an estimate of absolute direct costs (not relative to Reference Case). Estimates of system expenditure do not reflect direct costs in some sectors that are represented with incremental costs only. These include investments in industry, agriculture, waste, forestry, and non-road transportation.

In my article I explained that the net direct costs represent the total costs of all the mitigation actions minus all the costs of a reference case.  Appendix G notes that “redirecting investment away from status quo energy expenditures and toward decarbonization is key to realizing the aims of the Climate Act” but that overlooks that their estimate of status quo expenditures is already $2.7 trillion.  At the time I found no discussion what was included in the $2.7 trillion estimate.

Draft Scoping Plan that Describes the Reference Case

In order to better understand what is included in the reference case I looked for the term.  This section lists the results of a word search of the Draft Scoping Plan document for the term “reference case”.   In the main body of text there were some references but the substantive information was in Appendix G.

Appendix G, Section I page 8 and 83:

Together, the benefits of avoiding economic impacts of damages caused by climate change and the improvements in public health total $400 – 420 billion. Realizing these benefits will require an incremental investment over the 30-year transition of approximately 10 percent in additional spending, or $290 – $310 billion, in addition to redirecting the approximately $2.7 trillion in expected system spending under the reference case towards New York’s low carbon future.

Appendix G, Section I page 12 there is a footnote for Figure 4: Gross Greenhouse Gas Emissions by Mitigation Scenario, without any accompanying text, presumably the caption for the figure.

6 The Reference Case is used for evaluating incremental societal costs and benefits of GHG emissions mitigation. The Reference Case includes a business as usual forecast plus implemented policies, including but not limited to federal appliance standards, energy efficiency achieved by funded programs (Housing and Community Renewal, New York Power Authority, Department of Public Service, Long Island Power Authority, NYSERDA Clean Energy Fund), funded building electrification, national Corporate Average Fuel Economy standards, a statewide Zero-emission vehicle mandate, and a statewide Clean Energy Standard including technology carveouts. For more details see Chapter 5.3.

Appendix G, Section I page 66:

When viewed in from a systems expenditure perspective (Figure 48), the NPV of net direct costs for Scenarios 2, 3, and 4 are moderate, ranging from 11-12% as a share of the NPV of reference case system expenditures ($2.7 trillion). Because significant infrastructure investment will be needed to maintain business as usual infrastructure within the state irrespective of further climate policy, redirecting investment away from status quo energy expenditures and toward decarbonization is key to realizing the aims of the Climate Act.

Appendix G, Section I page 68:

Net direct costs are measured relative to the Reference Case, but system expenditures are evaluated on an absolute basis. System expenditures increase over time as New York invests in infrastructure and clean fuels to meet Climate Act emissions limits. As a share of overall system expenditures, costs are moderate: 9-11% in 2030 and 25-26% in 2050 relative to current estimated expenditure levels.

Appendix G, Section I page 76 in the title to Figure 56 there is a reference to footnote 49:

49 The costs presented represent the costs relative to a Reference Case with equivalent levels of electrification loads, and as a result are not directly comparable to the electric sector costs presented in the economy-wide analysis, in which costs are measured relative to a Reference Case with Reference loads.

Aside from similar statements on pages page 78, and 83 of Appendix G, Section I that is all the results for the search on “reference case”.

Discussion

One of the arguments in the discussion of costs and benefits is that the realizing these costs only represents an “incremental investment over the 30-year transition of approximately 10 percent in additional spending, or $290 – $310 billion, in addition to redirecting the approximately $2.7 trillion in expected system spending under the reference case”.  In my original analysis of these costs, I mentioned that it is important to understand exactly what is included in the reference case in order to accept this statement.  However, no explanation is prominently featured in documentation.

However, when I searched the document for the term “reference case” there was some information, buried in a footnote reference to a figure caption that was missing.  It states that “The Reference Case includes a business as usual forecast plus implemented policies, including but not limited to federal appliance standards, energy efficiency achieved by funded programs (Housing and Community Renewal, New York Power Authority, Department of Public Service, Long Island Power Authority, NYSERDA Clean Energy Fund), funded building electrification, national Corporate Average Fuel Economy standards, a statewide Zero-emission vehicle mandate, and a statewide Clean Energy Standard including technology carveouts.”  This exposes the scam.  Cynic that I am I suspect that someone, somewhere intended to completely delete the caption for this figure so that the damning footnote would not be available.

Why is this so egregious?  Recall that the presented net direct costs are relative to the reference case.  If the reference case costs are higher by including mitigation efforts that are required to meet the Climate Act targets this approach perverts the numbers presented.  Energy efficiency is a critical component of the mitigation strategies and this statement says we are going to include those costs in the reference case.  Electrification of buildings is another key component and “funded building electrification” costs are in the reference case.  The last two items take the cake however.  The authors of the Integration Analysis have slipped the costs for the statewide zero-emissions mandate and Clean Energy Standard into the reference case so that those costs do not show up as net direct costs of the Climate Act.

If this is on the up and up then the projected benefits, which are also allegedly relative to the reference case, should exclude the emission reductions and associated benefits for energy efficiency programs and building electrification that are already funded, the statewide zero-emissions mandate, and the Clean Energy Standard.  That may be the case but it is impossible to tell because the only numerical description of the net direct costs is a bar chart without a breakdown of the cost components.

Conclusion

I certainly could have mis-interpreted these numbers and normally when my evaluation shows significant differences from someone else’s work that is my first thought.  However, this finding fits a consistent pattern of over-estimated benefits and under-estimated costs in the Integration Analysis. 

The claimed benefits for the avoided cost of GHG emissions range between $235 and $250 billion, but I have shown that the Integration Analysis incorrectly calculates avoided GHG emissions benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  If that error is corrected then the total benefits range from negative $74.5 to negative $49.5 billion.  

It is very difficult to verify Draft Scoping Plan cost numbers because of the lack of documentation, but in two instances I have projected costs inconsistent with the Plan.  I evaluated the projected costs for residential retrofits to electric heating.  I estimated in the Draft Scoping Plan the entire building sector component cost is $230 billion relative to the reference case.  I calculated that just the residential retrofit heat electrification costs range between $259 billion and $370 billion using one methodology and between $295 billion and $370 billion using a different methodology. In the other analysis I estimated the costs and benefits of upgraded rail transportation.  The draft scoping plan claims a reduction of 200 million light duty vehicle miles at a per unit cost of $6 per mile or $1.2 billion between Scenarios 2 and 3 and Scenario 4.  I estimate that the only valid cost for the difference between the scenario rail alternatives is $8.4 billion and that it would only provide a vehicle mile reduction of 64.7 million miles. 

Were it not for this consistent pattern I would be reluctant to label this egregious example of hiding the true costs of the Scoping Plan as a deliberate attempt to obfuscate direct costs.  However, the lack of documentation, the complete absence of reference case details  and contrived way they present the cost numbers convinces me that this is deliberate.  In order to “prove” that the Climate Act benefits out-weigh the costs they have deliberately cooked the books.

The rebuttal for my claim is for the Climate Action Council to provide complete and transparent documentation.  It would be best if the Council would host an expert analysis session where the costing methodology used could be explained and the public could be given the opportunity to provide questions beforehand.  Obviously, this post could provide a number of those questions.  While it would not be possible to address all the sectors in such a session this format could provide answers to the cost projections most impactful to New York residents.  Residential electrification and personal transportation head that list.

There is a massive disconnect between the costs projected in the Draft Scoping Plan any by other authors.  Earlier this year I compared costs estimated in the Scoping Plan with costs in an article by Ken Gregory that is a critique of a report  by Thomas Tanton “Cost of Electrification: A State-by-State Analysis and Results”.  Tanton estimated that the New York overnight cost for a net-zero economy is $1.465 trillion.  Gregory’s estimate for net-zero consistent with the Climate Act is $18.2 trillion.  Until such time that the Climate Action Council produces documentation that enable independent verification of their estimates, I believe the actual costs will be consistent with these higher estimates.

Climate Act Upstream Emissions

The Draft Scoping Plan that outlines the implementation strategy for New York’s Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) has been released for public comment by the Climate Action Council. This article discusses the implications of the Climate Act requirement to consider upstream emissions from fossil fuels imported into New York.  I believe that only considering the impacts of fossil fuels and not the impacts of “clean” energy development is biased and hypocritical.

If you are more interested in a video that addresses the point of this article there is an option.  Ron Clutz at Science Matters provides a post with a link and excerpted transcript to a video prepared by Deutsche Welle News, the German international broadcaster.  He explains:

The theme is described by adding a bit to the title: The Price of Green Energy Will Destroy Us.  The message is not about the exorbitant expense so much as the destruction of the world’s environment in order to save it.  The imagery in the video is compelling.

I have written extensively on implementation of the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy outstrip available renewable technology such that it will adversely affect reliability and affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York, and cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Climate Act Background

The Climate Act establishes a “Net Zero” target by 2050. The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  The Climate Act requires the Climate Action Council to “[e]valuate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available” in the Scoping Plan. Starting in the Fall of 2020 seven advisory panels developed recommended strategies to meet the targets that were presented to the Climate Action Council in the spring of 2021.  Those recommendations were translated into specific policy options in an integration analysis by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants.  The integration analysis was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021. The public comment period extends through at least the end of April 2022, and will also include a minimum of six public hearings. The Council will consider the feedback received as it “continues to discuss and deliberate on the topics in the Draft as it works towards a final Scoping Plan for release by January 1, 2023”.  Once complete an updated Energy Plan will guide New York’s energy policy going forward.

The Draft Scoping Plan “Key Milestones and Implementation Steps To-Date” is on page 21 and states (my emphasis added):

This draft Scoping Plan and recommendations outline measures and other State actions to ensure attainment of the statewide GHG emission limits and net zero emission goal. The statewide GHG emission limit rulemaking is the first regulatory action to implement the Climate Act, the foundation for multiple components of the Climate Act, and critically important for successful implementation of the Climate Act. DEC promulgated 6 NYCRR Part 496 that established the two statewide GHG emission limits called for in the Climate Act: a limit for 2030 that is equal to 60% of 1990 GHG emission levels and a limit for 2050 that is equal to 15% of 1990 emission levels. Specifically, using a 20-year global warming potential (GWP) and including upstream emissions from fossil fuels imported into New York as required by the Climate Act, the statewide GHG emission limit for 2030 is 245.87 million metric tons (MMT) of carbon dioxide equivalent (CO2e), and the statewide GHG emission limits for 2050 is 61.47 MMT CO2e. DEC, in consultation with NYSERDA, continues to update the inventory of GHGs and will publish the annual statewide GHG emissions report that reflects these updates.

This article concentrates on the significance and utter hypocrisy of the implications of “including upstream emissions from fossil fuels imported into New York as required by the Climate Act” into the Climate Act implementation process. 

Zero Emissions

The Climate Act is hypocritical.  Throughout the Draft Scoping Plan electricity generated by wind and solar resources and the energy storage systems required to cover for the intermittency of those renewable resources is referred to as “zero” emissions.  Of course, there are no emissions when these resources generate electricity.  However, in the Climate Act accounting framework fossil fuel generation includes not only direct emissions but also any upstream GHG emissions attributable to the extraction, transmission, and use of fossil fuels or electricity imported into the State.  The development of wind, solar, and energy storage resources on the scale necessary for the Climate Act certainly have environmental and emissions impacts for extraction of the rare earth metals necessary for those technologies, the construction of the massive number of structures needed, and the disposal of the enormous quantities of wind turbine blades and solar panels at the end of their useful lives.  This article summarizes references to these issues that I have documented on my “Clean” Energy Environmental Issues page

Paul Driessen summarizes my concerns in the Real Climate Crisis where he argues that the ecological destruction and human death tolls of the green energy transition is worse than the purported impacts of climate change.  He states:

They would require mining on scales unprecedented in human history, much of it by slave and child laborers, and nearly all using fossil fuels – bringing massive habitat and wildlife losses, air and water pollution, and horrific human health and safety problems. But since most of the mining, ore processing and manufacturing will occur in other countries, far from the USA, politicians and promoters of climate crisis can say this “alternative energy” is “clean and green.”

Rare Earth Metals

The EIA special report, The Role of Critical Minerals in Clean Energy Transitions, is the most comprehensive global study to date on the central importance of minerals such as copper, lithium, nickel, cobalt and rare earth elements in a secure and rapid transformation of the global energy sector.   The report explains that:

The types of mineral resources used vary by technology. Lithium, nickel, cobalt, manganese and graphite are crucial to battery performance, longevity and energy density. Rare earth elements are essential for permanent magnets that are vital for wind turbines and EV motors. Electricity networks need a huge amount of copper and aluminum, with copper being a cornerstone for all electricity-related technologies.

The reason this is an issue is because the clean energy technologies require more of these materials.  The report notes that:

A typical electric car requires six times the mineral inputs of a conventional car, and an onshore wind plant requires nine times more mineral resources than a gas-fired power plant. Since 2010, the average amount of minerals needed for a new unit of power generation capacity has increased by 50% as the share of renewables has risen.

The following graphic shows the increases needed.

 

French journalist and documentary filmmaker Guillaume Pitron has been following the global trade in rare earth metals. Unfortunately, mining these materials come with heavy environmental and social costs. Mining generates massive amounts of polluted wastewater, which left untreated, poisons crops and makes people sick. Guillaume documents these issues in his 2018 book “Rare Metals War’. Recently his work was summarized in the article Toxic secrets behind your mobile phone:

Above all, our dependence on rare metals brings two very big problems. The first is that mining, refining and recycling them is immensely polluting, thereby giving the lie to the idea that our increasingly digital and electricity-powered life is greener than one reliant on fossil fuels.

Second, one country – China – has a near stranglehold on the production and supply of rare metals. The Beijing government is not just seeking to control the metals found in its lands but also to control the production of rare metals wherever they are found on the globe. It has used barely credible chicanery to position itself as the sole supplier. It’s as if Saudi Arabia, which holds the world’s largest oil reserves, took it upon itself to control the reserves of the 13 other main petroleum-exporting countries.

The fact is that the European Union and the United States have little leverage to prevent Russia from invading Ukraine because they rely on Russia for the fossil fuels necessary to keep the lights on, homes heated, and transportation systems operating.  It seems obvious to me that it is imprudent to set up an energy system that is entirely dependent upon another nation whose interests may not be in our best interests.

Mark Mills’ Mines, Minerals, and “Green” Energy: A Reality Check paper from the Manhattan Institute picks up on the same themes: 

This paper turns to a different reality: all energy-producing machinery must be fabricated from materials extracted from the earth. No energy system, in short, is actually “renewable,” since all machines require the continual mining and processing of millions of tons of primary materials and the disposal of hardware that inevitably wears out. Compared with hydrocarbons, green machines entail, on average, a 10-fold increase in the quantities of materials extracted and processed to produce the same amount of energy.

This means that any significant expansion of today’s modest level of green energy—currently less than 4% of the country’s total consumption (versus 56% from oil and gas)—will create an unprecedented increase in global mining for needed minerals, radically exacerbate existing environmental and labor challenges in emerging markets (where many mines are located), and dramatically increase U.S. imports and the vulnerability of America’s energy supply chain.

Renewable Waste Disposal

Because the quantity of materials needed for wind turbines and solar panels is so much larger and those machines have shorter life expectancies, the inevitable result will be a waste disposal problem.  Consider wind turbine waste disposal.  They are so big that they have to be cut up and because they were designed to handle strong winds they cannot be “crushed, recycled or repurposed”.   As a result, the sheer volume of material is an issue.

Robert Bradley describes a Harvard Business Review article, The Dark Side of Solar Power, that concludes that “given the current very high recycling costs, there’s a real danger that all used panels will go straight to landfills”.  Bradley excerpts some passages from the article:

      • Economic incentives are rapidly aligning to encourage customers to trade their existing panels for newer, cheaper, more efficient models. In an industry where circularity solutions such as recycling remain woefully inadequate, the sheer volume of discarded panels will soon pose a risk of existentially damaging proportions.
      • The International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA)’s official projections assert that “large amounts of annual waste are anticipated by the early 2030s” and could total 78 million tonnes by the year 2050. That’s a staggering amount, undoubtedly. But with so many years to prepare, it describes a billion-dollar opportunity for recapture of valuable materials rather than a dire threat. The threat is hidden by the fact that IRENA’s predictions are premised upon customers keeping their panels in place for the entirety of their 30-year lifecycle. They do not account for the possibility of widespread early replacement.
      • The industry’s current circular capacity is woefully unprepared for the deluge of waste that is likely to come. The financial incentive to invest in recycling has never been very strong in solar. While panels contain small amounts of valuable materials such as silver, they are mostly made of glass, an extremely low-value material. The long lifespan of solar panels also serves to disincentivize innovation in this area.
      • The direct cost of recycling is only part of the end-of-life burden, however. Panels are delicate, bulky pieces of equipment usually installed on rooftops in the residential context. Specialized labor is required to detach and remove them, lest they shatter to smithereens before they make it onto the truck. In addition, some governments may classify solar panels as hazardous waste, due to the small amounts of heavy metals (cadmium, lead, etc.) they contain. This classification carries with it a string of expensive restrictions — hazardous waste can only be transported at designated times and via select routes, etc.
      • The same problem is looming for other renewable-energy technologies. For example, barring a major increase in processing capability, experts expect that more than 720,000 tons worth of gargantuan wind turbine blades will end up in U.S. landfills over the next 20 years. According to prevailing estimates, only five percent of electric-vehicle batteries are currently recycled – a lag that automakers are racing to rectify as sales figures for electric cars continue to rise as much as 40% year-on-year. The only essential difference between these green technologies and solar panels is that the latter doubles as a revenue-generating engine for the consumer. Two separate profit-seeking actors — panel producers and the end consumer — thus must be satisfied in order for adoption to occur at scale.

Conclusion

Andy West’s statement about another aspect of net-zero policies is equally applicable to the Climate Act mandate to consider upstream fossil fuel emissions while ignoring the impacts of “zero” emissions environmental impacts: “Ardent belief in cultural fairy-stories creates a pretty effective blindfold against glaring truths”.  The Climate Act’s war on fossil fuels is based entirely on the popular belief that climate change is an existential threat.  Authors of the law incorporated every opportunity to inflate the impact of fossil fuels and ignored any negative ramifications.  It is evident that there are significant issues associated with the materials necessary for the clean energy transition.  The Climate Act ignores them in a blatant example of hypocrisy.

Climate Act Scoping Plan Cost Documentation Failures

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) establishes a “Net Zero” target by 2050 and the Draft Scoping Plan defines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.   It is the right of every New Yorker to know how the agenda will affect affordability and reliability.  This post documents my fruitless search for the cost number documentation that would enable me or anyone else to evaluate their cost claims.

I have written extensively on implementation of the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy outstrip available technology such that it will adversely affect reliability and affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York, and cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Background

The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  The Climate Act requires the Climate Action Council to “[e]valuate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available” in the Scoping Plan. Starting in the fall of 2020 seven advisory panels developed recommended strategies to meet the targets that were presented to the Climate Action Council in the spring of 2021.  Those recommendations were translated into specific policy options in an integration analysis by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants.  The integration analysis was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021. This draft includes results from the integration analysis on the benefits and costs to achieve the Climate Act goals. The public comment period extends through at least the end of April 2022, and will also include a minimum of six public hearings. The Council will consider the feedback received as it continues to “discuss and deliberate on the topics in the Draft” as it works towards a final Scoping Plan for release by January 1, 2023.

The Climate Action Council claims that the integration analysis was developed to estimate the economy-wide benefits, costs, and GHG emissions reductions associated with pathways that achieve the Climate Act greenhouse gas emission limits and carbon neutrality goal. It incorporates and builds from Advisory Panel and Working Group recommendations, as well as inputs and insights from complementary analyses, to model and assess multiple mitigation scenarios. In addition, there is historical/archived information is available through the Support Studies section of the Climate Resources webpage, and can found as part of the Pathways to Deep Decarbonization in New York State – Final Report.

During the development of the Draft Scoping Plan, consumer affordability was a major Climate Action Council feedback topic of discussion.  The Draft Scoping Plan provides societal net direct costs but does not provide any consumer costs.  The leader of the Integration Analysis effort at NYSERDA is Carl Mas.  At 17:45 of the Climate Action Council meeting recording where this issue was debated, he explained that they were able to analyze for the technologies and the system changes in the scenarios to determine incremental cost to society. 

In order to determine the actual costs to society you need to have specificity to distribute those costs.  Is it going to be a ratepayer program?  It is going to be a tax credit or incentive?  How much is the Federal government going to weigh in to help buy down some of the cost.  Without those types of programmatic specifics, we can’t actually analyze how much individual parts of our society should pay. 

He went on to claim that: “It is really important to have articulated what the incremental costs would be and what the benefit cost analysis is, which is that we’ve done.”  He concluded at 18:37 that:

I hope people don’t walk away thinking that waiting for implementation means that somehow there is kind of a done deal at that point.  I mean, at that point is when we see the specific policy proposals that flow from a scoping plan.  That’s when we can continue to debate and discuss how we implement these proposals.

Draft Scoping Plan Documentation

The purpose of this post is to document what information was provided for stakeholder assessment of costs.  Starting on page 80 the Draft Scoping Plan section 10.3 Key Benefit-Cost Assessment Findings describes costs.  However, the technical documentation is in Appendix G: Integration Analysis Technical Supplement and two spreadsheets:

The following section lists all references to “direct costs” in the Appendix G text with some clarifying additions and my indented and italicized comments.

Page 61:  Estimated system expenditures do not reflect direct costs in some sectors that are represented with incremental costs only. These include investments in industry, agriculture, waste, forestry, and non-road transportation.

No comment

Pages 64-68: Integration Analysis Costs

This whole section is included because it is the primary documentation source.

The integration analysis includes calculations for three different cost metrics: Net Present Value (NPV) of net direct costs, annual net direct costs, and system expenditure.

  • NPV of Net Direct Costs: NPV of levelized costs in each scenario incremental to the Reference Case from 2020-2050. All NPV calculations assume a discount rate of 3.6%. This metric includes incremental direct capital investment, operating expenses, and fuel expenditures.
  • Annual Net Direct Costs: Net direct costs are levelized costs in a given scenario incremental to the Reference Case for a single year snapshot. This metric includes incremental direct capital investment, operating expenses, and fuel expenditures.
  • System Expenditure: System expenditure is an estimate of absolute direct costs (not relative to Reference Case). Estimates of system expenditure do not reflect direct costs in some sectors that are represented with incremental costs only. These include investments in industry, agriculture, waste, forestry, and non-road transportation.

I don’t have the appropriate background, so cannot speak to the calculation choices for these different cost metrics.  However, I have been unable to find any numerical documentation (e.g., spreadsheets) that support the estimated cost metric expenditures.

Cost categories included in the metrics listed above are shown in Table 4.

 

The spreadsheet Annex G: Inputs and Assumptions lists some of these costs and some of the assumptions made for these categories.

The NPV of net direct costs in Scenarios 2, 3, and 4 are in the same range given uncertainty and are primarily driven by investments in buildings and the electricity system (Figure 47). All scenarios show avoided fossil fuel expenditures due to efficiency and fuel-switching relative to the Reference Case (shown in the chart as negative costs). Scenario 2: Strategic Use of Low-Carbon Fuels includes significant investment in renewable diesel, renewable jet kerosene, and renewable natural gas. Scenario 3: Accelerated Transition Away from Combustion meets emissions limits with greater levels of electrification, which results in greater investments in building retrofits, zero-emission vehicles, and the electricity system. Scenario 4: Beyond 85% Reductions includes additional investment in transportation (rail, aviation, VMT reductions) and methane mitigation, and mitigates the need to invest in any negative emissions technologies. Scenario costs are sensitive to the price of fossil fuels and technology cost projections, as reflected in error bars.

In order to provide meaningful comments on these estimates much more information is needed.  At an absolute minimum there should be a table that lists the values of the components of the Figure 47 bar charts.  The Appendix G spreadsheet annexes document many of the figures in the Scoping Plan but none of the figures with direct costs are documented. 

When viewed in from a systems expenditure perspective (Figure 48), the NPV of net direct costs for Scenarios 2, 3, and 4 are moderate, ranging from 11-12% as a share of the NPV of reference case system expenditures ($2.7 trillion). Because significant infrastructure investment will be needed to maintain business as usual infrastructure within the state irrespective of further climate policy, redirecting investment away from status quo energy expenditures and toward decarbonization is key to realizing the aims of the Climate Act.

Not only are the Draft Scoping Plan Integration Analysis cost calculations undocumented but there is mis-leading reporting as in this paragraph.  These numbers represent the total costs of all their mitigation actions minus all the costs of a reference case.  The statement “redirecting investment away from status quo energy expenditures and toward decarbonization is key to realizing the aims of the Climate Act” overlooks their estimate that status quo expenditures are already $2.7 trillion.  There is no discussion whether that $2.7 trillion only represents current consumer costs or includes additional infrastructure spending.  I expect that investments above and beyond what consumers are already are paying are needed so the actual consumer costs are being understated by this way of presenting the societal costs.

Annual net direct costs show the timing of key investments required to meet Climate Act emissions limits. Scenario 2 includes significant investment in renewable diesel, renewable jet kerosene, and renewable natural gas starting in the mid-2020s. Scenario 3 includes greater levels of electrification compared to Scenario 2, which results in greater investments in building retrofits, zero-emission vehicles, and the electricity system. Scenario 4 layers on even further investments in transportation and non-energy mitigation than Scenario 3 and includes a targeted investment in low-carbon renewable fuels, although not as intensive as that in Scenario 2. Both Scenarios 2 and 3 include investment in negative emissions technologies (NETs) to achieve net zero emissions by 2050, while Scenario 4 does not require any NETs to meet carbon neutrality by 2050. In 2030, annual net direct costs are on the order of $15 billion per year, approximately 0.6% of GSP; in 2050, costs increase to $45 billion per year, or roughly 1.4% of GSP.

This represents the description of the cost differences between the three scenarios.  In order to provide full documentation, all the numbers associated with the assumptions used to derive the numbers have to be presented and they don’t even list the component numbers of the bar charts.  For example, consider NETs.  Obviously, the final cost needs to be presented but we also need to know the costs per type of negative technology, the control efficiency expected, the number of these magical technology systems that do not exist at commercial scale that will be needed, and the assumed location assume for them because all those factors affect cost.  I could find no reference to these technologies in the Appendix G appendices.  Moreover, I have been unable to find the necessary documentation for any of the technologies proposed for the mitigation scenarios at a level where it is possible to provide meaningful comments.

Net direct costs are measured relative to the Reference Case, but system expenditures are evaluated on an absolute basis. System expenditures increase over time as New York invests in infrastructure and clean fuels to meet Climate Act emissions limits. As a share of overall system expenditures, costs are moderate: 9-11% in 2030 and 25-26% in 2050 relative to current estimated expenditure levels.

This figure also demonstrates the need for more information for meaningful comments.  If the current system expenditures were documented then we could understand what is incorporated in their numbers.  It would also be possible to verify their approach by comparing their estimates to other sources of data.  It might also be possible to figure out whether their reference estimated expenditure costs represent increases to current levels? 

Page 70: Benefit-Cost Findings

  • Net direct costs are small relative to the size of New York’s economy. Net direct costs are estimated to be 0.6-0.7% of GSP in 2030, and 1.4% in 2050.

No comment

Page 70: 3.5 Uncertainty and Sensitivity Analysis

There also are references to “direct cost” associated with the following figures in this section:

  • Figure 52. NPV of Net Benefit of Mitigation Scenarios (2020-2050): Range Including Uncertainty in Fuel Cost, Technology Cost
  • Figure 53. NPV of Scenario Net Direct Costs: Fuel cost sensitivity for Scenarios 2 through 4 For biofuels
  • Figure 54. NPV of Scenario Net Direct Costs: Biofuel cost sensitivity for Scenarios 2 through 4
  • Figure 55. NPV of Scenario Net Direct Costs: Technology cost sensitivity

This represents the Integration Analysis information that is supposed to address the concerns I raised here.  Clearly without complete documentation it is impossible to agree or disagree that these cost sensitivities are complete or accurate.

Integration Analysis Documentation

The Integration Analysis technical documentation is in Appendix G: Integration Analysis Technical Supplement and two spreadsheets:

This section describes the cost information provided in these spreadsheets.

As noted previously, neither spreadsheet documents the numbers presented in Figures 45-55 in Appendix G: Integration Analysis Technical Supplement.  In addition, there is insufficient information to determine how the numbers were calculated.  Some of the assumed technology costs are included but there are gaps in either information or methodology that prevent replication of the values presented.  Consequently, it is impossible to provide substantive comments on the costs claimed.

Conclusion

The Climate Act requires the Climate Action Council to “[e]valuate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available” in the Scoping Plan (my emphasis added).  The fact that the only description of the net direct cost is a bar chart without a breakdown of the cost components clearly demonstrates that this Climate Act requirement has been ignored in the Draft Scoping Plan.

If it were not so important for the future of New York State it would be tempting to laugh at the coverup of the numbers.  Unfortunately based on everything I have seen the coverup is deliberate because the projected costs are extremely high.  This is an inevitable result as shown in the United Kingdom where “the press seems to have finally woken up to the huge damage already being wreaked on the country, all as a result of successive governments’ climate policies”.  It is almost as if the authors of the Draft Scoping Plan are hoping to get the plan approved before the public catches on.

In the absence of sufficient publicly available information to evaluate the cost projections, New Yorkers are expected to trust these numbers.  I was able to evaluate the Draft Scoping Plan benefit numbers to verify whether trust is warranted.  The Draft Scoping Plan claims that “The cost of inaction exceeds the cost of action by more than $90 billion.”  I have shown that the Integration Analysis incorrectly calculates avoided GHG emissions benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  If only that error is corrected the total benefits range from negative $74.5 to negative $49.5 billion instead of net benefits ranging from $90 billion to $120 billion.  I conclude that New Yorkers should not trust the cost values in the Draft Scoping Plan and that comments demanding adequate documentation be provided are appropriate.

Climate Act Scoping Plan Benefits Summary

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) establishes a “Net Zero” target by 2050. The Draft Scoping Plan defines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda” and claims that there are significant direct and indirect benefits, including improved public health.  This post summarizes all the benefit claims made in the Scoping Plan.

I have written extensively on implementation of the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy outstrip available technology such that it will adversely affect reliability and affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York, and cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Background

The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  Starting in the fall of 2020 seven advisory panels developed recommended strategies to meet the targets that were presented to the Climate Action Council in the spring of 2021.  Those recommendations were translated into specific policy options in an integration analysis by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants.  The integration analysis was used to develop the Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021.

According to a Gothamist summary of the Climate Act: “Seggos, the DEC commissioner, said the draft plan is meant to generate a framework and solicit input on how the state can meet its climate goals, not provide a policy-by-policy cost estimate.” In my opinion, that is a serious shortcoming for the Scoping Plan cost and benefits assessment because a framework is not a feasibility study. Both the costs and benefits are societal estimates. There are no guesses of the direct costs to consumers or rate-payer impacts.  Similarly, the benefit values are to society and do not directly offset the ultimate costs to consumers.  Until such time that direct consumer costs and benefits are known New Yorkers cannot decide whether it is appropriate to proceed with the ambition and schedule of the Climate Act.

The Scoping Plan estimates societal health benefits and avoided economic damages caused by climate change as a result of GHG emission reductions.  Improvements in air quality, increased active transportation, and energy efficiency interventions in low- and middle-income homes generates health benefits ranging from approximately $165 billion to $170 billion. Reduced GHG emissions avoids the economic impacts of damages caused by climate change equaling approximately $235 to $250 billion. The combined benefits range from approximately $400 billion to $420 billion. 

This post summarizes all these benefits claims.  I have addressed some of them before but this consolidates all the analyses.  Complete documentation for this evaluation is contained in the Scoping Plan Costs and Benefits white paper.

Scoping Plan Benefits Summary

The Scoping Plan claims net benefits range from $90 billion to $120 billion. The Plan describes health benefits totaling $165 to $170 billion due to improvements in air quality, increased active transportation ($39.5 billion), and energy efficiency interventions in Low- and Middle- Income (LMI) homes ($8.7 billion).  The benefit claims are not documented well enough to confirm those estimates but they appear to be biased high.  The claimed benefits for the avoided cost of GHG emissions range between $235 and $250 billion.  However, Climate Act guidance incorrectly calculates avoided GHG emissions benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  When the multiple-counting error is corrected, the avoided carbon damage benefits range from negative $74.5 to negative $49.5 billion.

The Scoping Plan air quality improvement benefits range between $100 billion and $103 billion for the low values and the high values range between $165 billion and $172 billion.  These benefits are due to an air quality improvement for PM2.5 of 0.35 µg/m3 that is supposed to “avoid tens of thousands of premature deaths, thousands of non-fatal heart attacks, thousands of other hospitalizations, thousands of asthma-related emergency room visits, and hundreds of thousands of lost workdays”. However, the modeled impacts rely on a linear no-threshold model.  The observed reduction in New York City since 2005-2007 is 5.6 µg/m3 and that is 16 times higher than the projected decrease due to the Climate Act.  Using the linear no-threshold model that means that we should be able to observe sixteen times tens of thousands of premature deaths, sixteen times thousands of non-fatal heart attacks, sixteen times thousands of other hospitalizations, sixteen times thousands of asthma-related emergency room visits, and sixteen times hundreds of thousands of lost workdays since 2007.  When the Scoping Plan verifies that these reductions have been observed I will accept these benefits.

The Scoping Plan admits that the health benefits from increased active transportation “should be considered a first-order approximation of the benefits of increased active transportation”.  The active transportation health theory claims that as people are forced out of their personal vehicles some will switch to walking and biking.  Those activities are healthier so there is a benefit.  However, the analysis was conducted at the state level, rather than modeling changes in walking and biking activity due to changes in vehicle miles traveled within counties or individual communities.  Because the actual number of places where this strategy could actually encourage more walking and bicycling to work is small relative to the state level, the $39.5 billion health benefit claim is far too high.

Upon examination the majority of the health benefits from energy efficiency interventions in LMI homes are the result of “non-energy interventions”.  The Climate Act intends to transform the energy sector so it is disingenuous to claim health benefits not directly related to energy efficiency programs themselves.  Of the $8.7 billion in benefits claimed $3 billion is due to reduction in asthma-related incidents resulting from better ventilation not directly due to energy efficiency.  The $2.4 billion in benefits from reduced trip or fall injuries and reduced carbon monoxide poisoning benefits are non-energy interventions and should not be claimed as benefits for GHG emission reduction programs. 

The Scoping Plan claims the largest proposed benefits come from avoided GHG emission impacts on climate change due to emission reductions.  The Climate Act Scoping Plan manipulates the emissions, the emissions accounting, and calculation of social cost of carbon benefits to inflate these benefits to claim that there are net benefits.  In order to maximize the benefits from emission reductions the Scoping Plan uses non-conventional assumptions to contrive increased emission estimates that are 1.9 times higher in 1990 and 2.3 times higher in 2019 than conventional, or UNFCCC, format for emissions accounting used by other jurisdictions.  New York’s Value of Carbon guidance chooses a lower discount rate that places lower value on immediate benefits relative to higher delayed benefits received in the future.  The combined effect of the higher emissions and lower discount rate means that New York’s societal benefits of GHG emission reductions are 4.5 times higher for 1990 emissions and 5.4 times higher for 2019 emissions than other jurisdictions. 

Even with that gamesmanship the Scoping Plan benefits were too low to claim that benefits out weighed the costs.  The Value of Carbon guidance incorrectly calculates benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  It is inappropriate to claim the benefits of an annual reduction of a ton of greenhouse gas over any lifetime or to compare it with avoided emissions.  Dr. Richard Tol confirmed that “The SCC should not be compared to life-time savings or life-time costs (unless the project life is one year)”.  Using that trick and the other manipulations results in New York societal benefits more than 21 times higher than benefits using everybody else’s methodology. When the over-counting error is corrected, the total societal benefits range between negative $74.5 billion and negative $49.5 billion. 

Conclusion

The Scoping Plan Costs and Benefits white paper documents the calculation results presented in this summary.  The Plan describes health benefits totaling $165 to $170 billion due to improvements in air quality but observed improvements are 16 times greater than those projected for the Climate Act.  If the State can show that the health benefits projected have been observed comparable to those observed then this claim holds water.  The increased active transportation benefit of $39.5 billion is based on a first-order approximation based on state-wide numbers but the benefits will likely only occur in certain areas.  As a result, the benefit estimate is far too high.  Energy efficiency interventions benefits in LMI homes are claimed to total $8.7 billion but $2.4 billion of that is from non-energy interventions and should not be claimed as benefits for Climate Act GHG emission reduction programs.  If the claims were documented better, I believe that the further reductions in the benefits would be found. 

The claimed benefits for the avoided cost of GHG emissions range between $235 and $250 billion.  However, Climate Act guidance incorrectly calculates avoided GHG emissions benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  The Climate Act manipulates emissions to increase benefits and uses a lower discount rate than current Federal guidance resulting in societal benefits of GHG emission reductions that are 4.5 times higher for 1990 emissions and 5.4 times higher for 2019 emissions than other jurisdictions.  The largest impact of the Climate Act for these benefits is based on an incorrect guidance for calculating benefits.  In particular, the benefits of reductions are counted multiple times.  If only that error is corrected the total benefits range from negative $74.5 to negative $49.5 billion instead of net benefits ranging from $90 billion to $120 billion.

Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act Games – 2021 GHG Emission Report

On December 30,2021 the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) released “New York’s first-ever, statewide greenhouse gas emissions report compliant with state’s climate law”.  This is an overview post of this greenhouse gas (GHG) inventory and the games played using that inventory to “prove” that there are societal benefits for the emission reduction programs needed to meet the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) targets. 

I have summarized issues with the Climate Act and  written extensively on implementation of it because I believe the solutions proposed will adversely affect reliability and affordability, will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change, and cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Background

According to the 12/30/2021 press release:

New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC) Commissioner and Climate Action Council Co-Chair Basil Seggos today announced the release of the State’s first-ever statewide greenhouse gas emissions report compliant with the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA). The report describes statewide greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions for 1990 through 2019, and will be produced annually as required by New York’s nation-leading climate law. The release of the report is a milestone in the State’s efforts to meet the requirements of the CLCPA.

“The release of the first CLCPA-compliant, statewide report on greenhouse gas emissions advances New York’s efforts to implement our nation-leading Climate Law by providing a snapshot of greenhouse gas emissions, which will help ensure we achieve our aggressive target of net-zero emissions by 2050,” said Commissioner Seggos. “This annual report shows that while New York State has reduced emissions from several sectors over the last three decades, emissions from some sectors, including transportation, have increased, revealing that enormous challenges remain in our ongoing work to meet our emission-reduction targets. The report is a critical resource as we continue to act on climate and advance a just transition to clean energy that creates good jobs and supports a green economy for the future.”

Inventory Games

One way to help “prove” that the Climate Act implementation programs are cost-effective is to increase the inventory as much as possible.  This inventory does two things that maximize emissions: it includes upstream emissions and it changes the global warming potential time period.  Obviously if upstream emissions are included then the total increases but at the same time it makes the inventory incompatible with everybody else’s inventory.  Global warming potential (GWP) weighs the radiative forcing of a gas against that of carbon dioxide over a specified time frame so that it is possible to compare the effects of different gases.  Almost all jurisdictions use a 100-year GWP time horizon but the Climate Act mandates the use of the 20-year GWP.   

The DEC inventory report does not break out the effects of these metrics on emissions so that the New York inventory can be compared to the inventories developed by other jurisdictions.  However, some insight is provided in the recently released New York State Oil and Gas Methane Emissions Inventory: 2018-2020 Update that includes a couple of tables describing emissions that are a component of the DEC inventory.  One update in this report is a revision to use more recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change emission factors from report AR5 rather than AR4.  Table 18 in the report compares AR4 and AR5 GWP100 and GWP20 values.  Using the GWP20 instead of GWP100 increases the emissions by a factor of 3.36.

Tables 11 through 13 in the methane inventory update list emissions by source category from 1990 to 2020.  I summed the emissions to get totals for representative years for upstream, midstream and downstream emissions.  Someday I will delve into those categories in detail but for now note that upstream emissions are roughly 10% of the total emissions for methane.

Implications 

According to the DEC GHG report: “Total statewide gross emissions in 2019 were 6% below 1990 and 17% below 2005 levels, when assessed using CLCPA accounting”. Figure ES.1 in the DEC GHG inventory shows the annual statewide emissions from 1990 to 2019.  It is disappointing DEC did not provide the actual numbers used to generate this graphic.  The only numbers provided are the 1990 baseline value of 402.54, the maximum in 2005 of 458.55 and the 2019 value of 379.43.  All these values are in million metric tons of carbon dioxide equivalent in terms of GWP20.  The only reference to values comparable to other inventories states “As a point of comparison, when applying the conventional, or UNFCCC, format for governmental accounting, emissions declined 21% percent from 1990 to 2019, or from a net emission rate of 210.43mmt to 165.46 mmt CO2e GWP100”.

In order to claim that the Climate Act emission reductions provide societal benefits the Social Cost of Carbon (SCC) or Value of Carbon is used.  The metric is a measure of the avoided costs from global warming impacts out to 2300 caused by reducing a ton of today’s emissions.  In a recent post I discussed New York’s use of this parameter for claiming benefits.  I believe that the societal benefit for NY reductions should use one and only one of the three values in Figure ES.1.  Using the maximum rather than the baseline makes sense if you want to get credit for New York’s biggest impacts and using the most recent value could be argued as appropriate because it represents the actual value of the Climate Act itself.  

The following table lists the societal benefits for the three different discount rates listed in New York’s Value of Carbon guidance.  The state recommends using the 2% discount rate which gives societal benefits ranging between $46.7 billion and $56.4 billion using the 2021 values depending on which emission value used.  However, consider that most other jurisdictions, including the Federal government are using conventional, or UNFCCC, format for governmental accounting and the 3% discount rate.  That drops the social benefits to $8.6 to $10.9 billion but still includes some additional upstream emissions. 

Incredibly, it gets worse because all the tricks they used to manipulate the emissions and social cost of carbon values as much as possible were still not enough to make the benefits higher than the Integration Analysis costs for three mitigation scenarios.  In a recent post I explained that State guidance explicitly says that “the value of carbon is applied to each year, based on the reduction from the no action case”.  The Draft Scoping Plan contains three mitigation scenarios and claims avoided GHG benefits ranging from $235 billion to $250 billion.  However, the guidance methodology used is simply not correct because it applies the social cost benefit multiple times for each ton reduced.  I checked my understanding of the use of lifetime savings with social cost of carbon expert Dr. Richard Tol who confirmed that “The SCC should not be compared to life-time savings or life-time costs (unless the project life is one year)”.

Conclusion

There are a couple of obvious implications with the GHG emissions report data.  In 2030 New York State GHG emissions have to meet the Part 496 limit of 60% of the 1990 baseline.  Using the Figure ES.1 emissions of 402.54 that translates to a limit of 241.52 mmt CO2e GWP20.  That means that GHG emissions have to be reduced 36% in 11 years.  Emission reductions from the peak year in 2005 have come down 17% in 15 years.  I don’t think it is very likely that the State will be able to double the reduction rate to meet the 2030 target.

I hope readers understand the point that the State has contrived higher estimates for societal greenhouse gas emission benefits so much that their valuation is around five times higher than other jurisdictions using conventional methodology.  I also showed that this manipulation was not sufficient to “prove” that societal benefits were greater than the costs for the Scoping Plan mitigation scenarios so they relied on state guidance that mistakenly over counts the benefits. That gamesmanship results in New York societal benefits more than 20 times higher than benefits using everybody else’s methodology.  In June 2021 I explained that I had  submitted comments on this topic to DEC and NYSERDA.  They eventually responded: “We ultimately decided to stay with the recommendation of applying the Value of Carbon as described in the guidance as that is consistent with how it is applied in benefit-cost analyses at the state and federal level.”  They did not say I was wrong they said they wanted to be consistent.  I believe that was because they knew they needed larger societal benefits to claim this was cost-effective.