Energy Density and Micron

In 2022, Micron announced its plans to build the largest semiconductor fabrication facility in the history of the United States. Micron intends to invest up to $100 billion over the next 20-plus years to construct a new chip fab plant in Clay, New York.   A recent letter to the Editor of the Syracuse Post-Standard posed the questions: I wonder why the citizens of our state must be the sole providers of electricity to Micron? Shouldn’t Micron at least share in producing electrical power?  The author went on to make recommendations that are inconsistent with the energy density of wind and solar that relate to the viability of the venture.  This post documents the response I submitted to that letter.

I am following developments at Micron because the facility is going to be built within five miles of my home.  I also follow the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) because of its impacts on New York. The letter relates to both interests.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation.  Environmental permitting is part of these implementation concerns.

Micron Chip Fab Faciliity

The description in the Environmental Assessment Form states:

Micron intends to invest approximately $100 billion over the next 20 years to build a leading-edge semiconductor manufacturing campus in the Town of Clay on the approximately 1,400-acre White Pine Commerce Park. Micron intends to acquire the White Pine Commerce Park from the Onondaga County Industrial Development Agency (OCIDA) and construct a campus for four (4) memory fabrication plants (also known as Fabs) on the site. Each Fab, and their related facilities, would take approximately three to five years to construct. Interior fit-out of each Fab would continue after the building is complete, resulting in continuous site activity over approximately 20 years. It is anticipated that the first two (2) Fabs would be complete within approximately 10 years, and the second two (2) Fabs would be complete approximately 10 years thereafter. Skilled trade labor will be employed throughout the 20-year period. Each Fab would occupy approximately 1.2 million square feet (sf) of land and contain approx. 600,000 sf of cleanroom space, 290,000 sf of clean room support space, and 250,000 sf of administrative space. Each set of two fabs would be supported by approx. 360,000 sf of central utility buildings, 200,000 sf of warehouse space, and 200,000 sf of product testing space housed in separate buildings.

Micron should share in producing power for its chip fab letter

Scott Love from Jamesville, NY sent a letter to the editor proposing several actions for the power needs of the facility.

After reading the article “Leaders: Grid must grow for Micron, others” in the Dec. 3, 2023, Business section of The Post-Standard, I wonder why the citizens of our state must be the sole providers of electricity to Micron? Shouldn’t Micron at least share in producing electrical power? The acreage covered by the Micron facility roofs should be used for producing solar power. In addition, hydro generators should be considered for the almost 40 miles of pipeline to and from Lake Ontario. On-site wind power should also be considered.

If Micron is to be considered a leader to the future of our community, then it is time for them to be forward-thinking in their planning.

There are several points raised that are ripe for comment in this letter.  The paper published the following in response:

Scott Love recently suggested that Micron should share the responsibility to provide the electricity necessary for the facility.  I agree with the idea but not his suggested approach. 

He suggested that the facility use rooftop solar, think about on-site wind power, and consider hydro in the pipeline from Lake Ontario. That won’t work.  The energy density of solar and wind is low.  Even if the entire Micron footprint of 1,400 acres was covered with solar panels, panels would provide less than 1% of the power needs.  Wind requires even more space so would provide less of the energy needed.  Lake Ontario is lower than the Micron site so the water must be pumped up to the facility.

I believe a co-generation facility using natural gas or nuclear power is appropriate.  For starters, it would eliminate the need for energy storage when the wind is not blowing or sun not shining.  On-site generation makes sense because it reduces line loss and waste heat produced can be used for heating and manufacturing processes.  Small modular nuclear reactors are not yet commercially available, but the facility could be designed to use that technology in the future.  In the meantime, a combined-cycle gas turbine facility could be built.  Carbon dioxide could be minimized by using it in on-site greenhouses that convert it to food.

If Micron is going to be a part of our community, it is time for everyone to be forward thinking and pragmatic about how best to make them competitive.

The remainder of this article summarizes the overall issue of Micron energy requirements and specific concerns with the letter.

Micron Energy Use

In August I prepared an article that described the reaction of Richard Ellenbogen to the massive amount of energy needed by the facility. I correspond with him regularly because he has spent a lot of time evaluating the Climate Act net-zero transition.  I recently described his comprehensive   presentation on the transition.  When I let him know that the original projection for energy use that would be the same as the state of Vermont has been expanded to be the same as Vermont and New Hampshire he responded with the following:

I have been using the Micron facility as an example of how the Climate Act is actually going to increase NY State’s carbon footprint because transmitting all of that energy to the Micron site, as much as is used by the state of Vermont, over long distances was going to result in an amount of lost energy on the wires that could operate 1-3/4 Cornell Universities.  One of my readers sent me an update of energy use because now it is projected that the Clay complex will consume 16 billion kilowatt-hours of electricity per year, as much as Vermont and New Hampshire combined, or 16,000 Gigawatt Hours annually (16 Tera-watt hours).  That is double the original projections and the idea that this could be supported with renewable generation is laughable.  16,000 GWh is an 11%  increase in NY State electric usage just related to the one facility.  The line loss will also double to consume the output of about  a 100 megawatt fossil fuel plant under continuous operation.

To put the Micron facility’s usage into perspective, in its last full year of operation the 2 Gigawatt Indian Point nuclear plant generated 16.3 Tera-watt hours so the Micron facility will need to be supported by a 2 Gigawatt fossil fuel or nuclear plant on site or  2.1 Gigawatts of generation off site, 5% more.  NY State’s policy makes absolutely no sense.  To run the Micron facility would require using about 4 GW of the projected 9 GW of offshore wind to support the plant or 16 GW of solar arrays covering 128,000 acres (80 acres per 10 MW)  or 200 Square miles.  NY State has 7 million acres of farmland so solar arrays to support the Micron facility  would use almost 2% of the farmland in the state and would also require an enormous amount of battery storage, the cost of which would greatly exceed the cost of a nuclear plant on site.  A combined cycle generating plant on site would be about 75% less than the cost of the nuclear plant.  Both the combined cycle gas plant and the nuclear plant on-site offer the option of recovering the waste heat and using it in the plant to make Micron even more energy efficient.  With regard to the solar and wind, NY State is having major difficulties getting all of their renewable projects finished because of cost issues and interconnection issues, let alone adding this gigantic lead weight to the Camel’s back.

Micron Sustainability

The fact sheet for the proposed plan describes sustainability initiatives planned:

  • Achieve 100% water reuse, recycling and restoration.
  • Use 100% renewable electricity at the new facility.
  • Use green infrastructure and sustainable building attributes for the construction of the new fab to attain Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) Gold status.
  • Mitigate and control greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) for the new facility.
  • Incorporate energy efficiency measures.
  • Utilize green hydrogen – hydrogen formed through electrolysis powered by renewable electricity, without GHG emissions – to the extent feasible to displace/replace natural gas and gray hydrogen consumption.
  • Adopt measures to reduce and avoid waste generation and achieve zero hazardous waste to landfill.

I have been asked whether I think this facility will ever get built out as proposed.  While I hope that it works out my skepticism increases in direct proportion to the number of commitments to politically correct narratives.  This sustainability fact sheet is worrisome in that regard. The viability of this facility hinges on its ability to provide cost-competitive chips that require an energy intensive process.  The Climate Act is going to raise energy prices and affect that metric.  Consider those pledges relative to competitive viability.

This chip fab plant will use enormous amounts of water.  Last summer it was disclosed that the environmental assessment expected that when the plant is fully fitted out that 40 million gallons of water per day would be needed.  This would require a new 54” pipeline from Lake Ontario to the facility.  It is not clear how that is consistent with the 100% water reuse, recycling, and restoration pledge unless the presumption that discharging to the Oneida River that ends up in Lake Ontario where it comes back to the plan is the 100% recycling mechanism.  For my part I am fine with that.

The 100% renewable electricity pledge is a competitiveness problem, however.  Ellenbogen’s response shown above addresses many of the issues.  In his recent presentation he pointed out that as part of the commitment NYPA has committed to allocating 140 MW of hydro generation to Micron.  The problem with that is that it does not represent new hydro.  That is just re-labelling the “zero-emissions” attribute from somebody else to Micron for that power.   

I have reservations about the remaining pledges. Ultimately, pledging to meet virtue signaling sustainability goals could increase energy costs which I worry could affect the viability of the facility.  I have to believe that behind the scenes Micron and the State are going to have to address the tradeoffs of added costs for these pledges.

The pledge to use green hydrogen formed through electrolysis powered by renewable electricity, without GHG emissions caters directly to the Climate Action Council.  This one could have major financial effects.  Note that the caveat “to the extent feasible to displace/replace natural gas and gray hydrogen consumption”, is the only instance in their sustainability fact sheet where there is any hint that these aspirational goals may not be feasible.

The pledge to use green infrastructure and sustainable building attributes for the construction of the new fab to attain Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED) Gold status is pandering s well.  As long as these efforts reduce energy consumption this virtue signal will not impact the competitiveness of the facility.

Offering to mitigate and control greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) for the new facility is fine but there are regulations that are going to require than anyway.

Incorporating energy efficiency measures is another pledge. As long as these efforts reduce energy consumption that will reduce costs and is common sense approach to adding to viability.

The final pledge to “adopt measures to reduce and avoid waste generation and achieve zero hazardous waste to landfill” probably makes sense financially and adds viability value.

Documentation for my Letter

Love proposed that the facility use rooftop solar, think about on-site wind power, and consider hydro in the pipeline from Lake Ontario. He does not understand the scale of energy required or the concept of energy density.  The energy density of solar and wind is low.  Using the aforementioned analysis by Ellenbogen I calculated that even if the entire Micron footprint of 1,400 acres was covered with solar panels, they would provide less than 1% of the power needs because it takes a lot of space to gather energy from the sun.  It might be counter intuitive but Ellenbogen and I both found references from federal agencies that said wind facilities require even more space to generate the same amount of energy.  Due to space considerations, I could not point out that solar and wind resources at the facility site are unlikely to be particularly strong relative to other sites in New York because the site is in the lake-effect cloud belt and the area is flat.  I expect that the facility footprint would likely produce even less of the energy needs than projected using state averages.  Another point I could not make is that on-site production would need to provide energy storage to be useful.

The proposal to put hydro in the pipeline from Lake Ontario is laughable.  Lake Ontario is lower than the Micron site so the water must be pumped up to the facility.  That approach is an example of a perpetual motion machine.  Ellenbogen also pointed out that even if it was downhill, do they really think that a 54″ diameter water pipe could put a dent in the energy needed?  Micron’s 16.2 TWh will use the equivalent to 60% of all of the Hydro in the state or 26.8 TWh.  Micron is supposed to use 10 million gallons per day after recycling with a 54″ pipe.  That corresponds to 7000 gallons per minute.  The Robert Moses / Lewiston Pumping Station uses 750,000 gallons per second or 45 million gallons per minute.  That would be 6500 times as much.

Ellenbogen and I independently decided that co-generation would be the most appropriate on-site energy source.  We believe a co-generation facility using natural gas or nuclear power is appropriate.  The Ellenbogen presentation proposed allowing Micron Technologies to build a 2 GW combined cycle plant on their property.  He points out that with generation on-site, the thermal energy could be used at the plant and the 500 GWh of annual line loss will be eliminated.

There are two choices for generation.  Small modular nuclear reactors are not yet commercially available, but the facility could be designed to use that technology in the future.  In the meantime, a combined-cycle gas turbine facility could be built.  The downside of a natural gas co-generation plant is that it will emit CO2.  One of the unresolved Climate Action Council questions is whether such a gas-fired turbine that includes carbon capture and sequestration would be allowed.  According to the zealots, there still would be emissions and the law says zero emissions. Ellenbogen suggested using greenhouses to reduce CO2 emissions.  Using the CO2 in them to enhance growth captures carbon in the plants and waste heat from turbines to warm them would tick off the locally sourced produce target and I am sure creative accounting comparing local produce to the produce shipped from overseas could claim GHG emission reductions. .

Conclusion

The development of Micron within the Climate Act framework will be a good test of pragmatic environmentalism.  The tradeoff between Climate Act absolutism, i.e., demanding nothing less than zero, with the extra costs associated with that approach versus the need to keep the Micron facility in New York competitive with the global chip market is an important substantive issue.  However, much of the Climate Act is style over substance.  The press releases to date talk a stylish game about being green but the approach to making them look “green” is a simply shuffling attributes from existing sources.  Ellenbogen and I believe that we should let them be green in reality with high efficiency generation that lowers energy costs to make them more competitive without faking it.  For all the talk of jobs associated with the energy transition if the energy transition makes the Micron facility unable to compete on the world market then there will be an enormous hit on jobs.

Energy density is the reason that on-site wind and solar generation would only be virtue signaling.  The area simply cannot generate enough electricity to be meaningful.  I have no doubt that environmental activists will be upset that I recommend energy dense natural gas or nuclear cogeneration that could be installed on the footprint.  However, if Micron is going to be a part of our community, it is time for everyone to be forward thinking and pragmatic about how best to make them competitive.

Citizens Budget Commission on New York Cap and Invest

On November 28, 2023, the Citizens Budget Commission released Keys to a Cap-and-Invest Design That’s Earth- and Economy-Focused (“Keys Report”) that examines the potential benefits and problems associated with the New York Cap-and-Invest Plan (NYCI).  If you want a summary of this program I recommend reading the report.

NYCI is a primary tool for the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act or CLCPA) net zero transition mandate.  This report does an excellent job describing the basics of cap-and-invest programs, issues that need to be considered during NYCI implementation, and makes recommendations that I believe should be incorporated.  My comments on this report support their work and provide context that shows that their concerns are warranted. 

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 380 articles about New York’s net-zero transition including a number on various New York cap-and-invest proposals.  In addition, I have been associated with every cap and trade control program affecting the electric generating sector in New York including the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) which is frequently touted as a successful prototype for NYCI.  I have written about the details of the RGGI program because very few seem to want to provide any criticisms of the program.  I think that background enables me to provide some added value to the CBC report.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation.  NYCI is one of these components.

The Keys Report describes the status of NYCI:

New York is currently developing the rules and regulations for NYCI. Very few details are known; almost all programmatic details of NYCI will be determined by forthcoming regulations developed by the Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC), as directed by the CLCPA. The Final Scoping Plan (FSP) provides some insight into potential design parameters. The FSP envisioned a program that would cover all major sectoral emissions sources that can feasibly be regulated and an emissions cap designed to be consistent with CLCPA emissions limits. Furthermore, the New York State Fiscal Year 2024 Enacted Budget established three distinct accounts within a newly created special revenue fund into which any proceeds raised by NYCI would be transferred.

The Keys Report addresses key aspects of NYVI and “provides guidance on how to design and evaluate the effectiveness of NYCI by:

  • Providing context and background on the development of cap-and-invest programs;
  • Explaining major risks to cap-and-invest programs;
  • Identifying the goals that should be used to guide NYCI design choices;
  • Describing the design choices that need to be made; and
  • Recommending specific design choices and features.”

This article supplants that guidance with additional context. Note that I emphasize the issues associated with the electric sector but similar issues will occur in all sectors. I highlight their main points and provide my insights below.

The Basics of Cap-and-Invest

The overview in the Keys Report does a good job describing the fundamental aspects of market based emission reduction programs.  It notes:

The theory behind cap-and-invest is relatively simple: the State sets a cap on allowable emissions, distributes allowances—the permits that allow firms to generate a specified amount of emissions—to large-scale emitters via auction, and uses the proceeds of the auction (and penalties for non-compliance) to invest in programs to reduce emissions. Companies that can reduce their marginal emissions at a lower cost than purchasing allowances will be incentivized to do so, while emitters that cannot reduce their emissions as easily will opt to purchase allowances to cover all of their emissions.

There are three things that should be kept in mind about the theory relative to NYCI. The Keys Report states: “Companies that can reduce their marginal emissions at a lower cost than purchasing allowances will be incentivized to do so.”  In the Environmental Protection Agency trading programs for sulfur dioxide (SO2) and nitrogen oxides (NOx), the allowances are allocated for free but that does not mean that affected companies don’t have to pay anything.  A company can invest in pollution control equipment to reduce their emissions and if they believe that allowances might not be available or could be more expensive than investing in control equipment, then their compliance strategy would be to install control equipment.  If a company does not have a cost-effective control option, then they can decide to purchase allowances as their compliance strategy.  There are some caveats.  This only works if the companies that can install control equipment can create reductions beyond their compliance requirements so that they can sell to those who don’t have that option.  If the compliance obligation or emissions cap is too tight, then too few sources can over-comply and there will not be enough allowances available.  There also are technological considerations to cap limits that must be considered.

The second nuance is that in the proposed cap-and-invest program the allowances must be purchased.  There is no direct incentive to over-control and sell allowances to fund the installation of additional control equipment. You can argue that installing controls to exceed the limits will affect the market price of allowances that will incentivize over-control but that is an indirect effect.  In my opinion, that makes the business case more difficult to justify added expenses for over-control.  The requirement to purchase allowances in cap-and-invest programs adds a complication to the economics of compliance strategies.

The final and most important issue that must be kept in mind is that CO2 compliance strategies are different than SO2 and NOx.  There are no cost-effective add-on control systems for CO2 so affected sources have fewer options to comply.  It boils down to operate less or retire.  In the electric sector, that is only appropriate if an alternative source of electricity is available.  The Scoping Plan proposes to use the revenues from the cap-and-invest program to fund the infrastructure to produce “zero-emissions” generation or reduce the electric load so not as much generation is needed.  If the investments in wind and solar resources are insufficient to deploy the necessary resources, then it is impossible to shut down or reduce operations at electric facilities by limiting allowances.  If existing fossil-fired units cannot run because they don’t have allowances then there will be an artificial energy shortage and a real blackout.

Emissions Leakage and Related Adverse Economic Impacts Can Threaten Effectiveness of Cap-and-Invest Programs

The Keys Report explains the problem of leakage:

Cap-and-invest programs impose new direct or indirect costs on businesses and individuals. In response, those businesses or individuals may seek to avoid costs by looking beyond the borders of the cap-and-invest program. This is called leakage; economic activity continues elsewhere but avoids emissions reduction policies. When leakage occurs, it appears that emissions reductions have taken place, but they have simply been exported outside the borders of the program.

In my opinion, this is an insurmountable flaw to NYCI.  Because of the limited opportunity to reduce GHG emissions, New York companies will simply treat the allowance requirement as a tax and raise their prices to account for the increased cost of doing business.  If the cost of the allowances is sufficient to fund the emissions reductions, then everything I have observed indicates that the costs will be so high that economic activity will be forced to leave in order to stay competitive with jurisdictions that don’t have this tax.

As noted in my introduction I have spent a lot of time analyzing RGGI.  I do not agree with all the discussion of RGGI leakage:

Leakage can affect all emissions trading schemes to some degree, but it is a pronounced threat to the effectiveness of RGGI due to its confinement to the electricity generation sector. Given the interconnected nature of electricity grids, power generated in non-member states can replace generation in member states when their relative costs change. It is difficult to measure leakage, but clearly some occurs. For example, one analysis estimated that between 43 percent and 86 percent of emissions reductions benefits within the RGGI region were offset by increased emissions in neighboring states.

I disagree with the cited analysis that claims emission reductions benefits were largely offset by leakage.  If that were true, then there should be a substantive increase in generation imports displacing RGGI sources.  In late November RGGI released CO2 Emissions from Electricity Generation and Imports in the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative: 2020 Monitoring Report.  According to this report: “Annual average net imports into the nine-state RGGI region from 2018 to 2020 increased by 19.4 million MWh, or 34.7 percent, compared to the average for 2006 to 2008.”  However, import levels have not changed over the last seven reporting periods.  The report also notes that: “Changes in these data over time may point to potential CO2 emissions leakage as a result of states implementing the CO2 Budget Trading Program, or a lack thereof, but may also be the result of wholesale electricity market and fuel market dynamics unrelated to the implementation of the CO2 Budget Trading Program, or a combination of these factors.” 

Furthermore, my analysis of RGGI emissions over time directly contradicts the referenced paper and shows that the primary reason for RGGI emission reductions has been fuel switching from coal and residual oil to natural gas.  Most of the load reductions at the coal and oil plants was offset by increases from in-state natural gas production.  Consequently, I believe that while leakage may be occurring its effect on emissions is small relative to wholesale electricity market and fuel market dynamics unrelated to RGGI.

Program Goals to Guide the Design of a Successful Cap-and-Invest Program The Keys Report states that:

NYCI’s primary objective is to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by increasing costs to emit GHGs and spending the proceeds to facilitate further emissions reductions. These higher costs are spread across the economy, and the program must be designed well to prevent possible unintended adverse effects.

I agree that the program must be designed well to prevent adverse effects but think the problem is even more difficult than described because of the differences between a CO2 allowance trading program and other pollutant programs described previously.  NYCI is a blunt pollution control approach.

The report describes five critical goals should be considered when assessing the design choices and proposed NYCI program.

  • Maximize GHG emissions reduction: Cap-and-Invest is likely to be the primary regulatory vehicle for accelerating GHG emissions reduction in New York. The success of the program will largely hinge on how effectively it incentivizes the mitigation of emissions that can feasibly be reduced. However, there are practical limits to what can be achieved, especially in the near-term, due to technological constraints and the availability of low-emissions energy.

This is an excellent summation of the problem.  Unfortunately, the practical limitations may be insurmountable on the mandated schedule.

  • Minimize the financial cost to businesses and households: Regulators should consider how much the program will cost businesses and households, to avoid putting New York’s economic competitiveness and affordability at risk. Pushing to achieve overly aggressive environmental goals would result in substantial and unproductive direct financial costs. Emissions reductions should be brought on by the lowest-cost decarbonization, energy efficiency, and conservation strategies, rather than being the result of declines in economic activity or population.

I completely agree with this recommendation.  In order to implement the recommendation, the Hochul Administration should set affordability standards now and incorporate a feature to modify the auction if the standard is exceeded.

  • Prevent emissions leakage: NYCI’s environmental benefits and cost-effectiveness could be undermined if emissions leakage is not adequately limited. If the emissions reduction targets are set too aggressively, economic activity, jobs, and emissions could be pushed out of the state to neighboring regions with less stringent regulation.

I do not think that emissions leakage can be prevented in any cap-and-dividend program in a small jurisdiction if the allowance prices are high enough to reduce emissions.

  • Minimize adverse economic impacts: Beyond the direct financial costs, wider economic disruptions such as reduced employment or instability in emission-intensive industries must also be considered. The program should aim to prevent these adverse effects to ensure that the energy transition does not come at the cost of economic vitality.

I agree.  The problem is that the prevention program should lay out a plan to prevent the adverse effects which is easier said than done.

  • Maximize benefits to disadvantaged communities: Low-income households spend a greater share of their income on energy, making them more vulnerable to the costs imposed by a cap-and-invest program. At the same time, disadvantaged communities are likely to feel more of the effects of emissions. NYCI should (and is required to) minimize the burden imposed on the communities that are most sensitive to increased costs of necessities, like home heating and transportation, and maximize economic and environmental benefits within those communities.

There will be a balancing act relative to disadvantaged community funding.  In the first place NYCI necessarily will increase energy costs that will affect those least able to afford those increases the most.  Therefore, there is a moral imperative to reduce those affordability impacts as much as possible.  The tradeoff is that funding for low- and middle-income citizens is not a particularly effective way to reduce emissions.  Consequently, there might not be enough funding available to make the reductions necessary to meet the Climate Act mandated schedule.  If the allowance auctions follow the schedule and not the actual emission reduction trajectory, then there might not be enough allowances available which could lead to an artificial energy shortage that will cause blackouts.  Blackouts disproportionately impact the disadvantaged communities so the balancing act must consider this interaction.

Design Parameters

The Keys Report program identified seven program design parameters that will be critical to NYCI’s success.  I agree that these parameters are important.  However, there are aspects of these parameters that run contrary to the climate activist constituency that appear to be driving the Climate Act implementation bus.  It will be fascinating to see how the Hochul Administration resolves the differences between activist demands and the reality of a functioning cap-and-invest program.

Sectoral and Geographic Scope

NYCI will be designed to cover a range of economic sectors, and its rules will determine whether it can be expanded geographically. The geographic and sectoral scope of a cap-and-invest program significantly affects both its emissions reduction potential and imposed costs. An emissions-trading system with broad coverage will be able to tap into a wider array of emissions reduction opportunities that can be achieved at a lower cost, because the tools available to reduce emissions vary across economic sectors or across regions. Including more jurisdictions can also help to reduce the risk of emissions leakage, which arises when regulatory conditions differ among regions. Including more sectors is preferable, as it spreads the cost of emissions reduction, minimizing the financial burden on any single sector.

The reality is that there are advantages to a New York program that is included with programs in other jurisdictions.  In addition to the reasons mentioned, if New York could join the California program, then it would not be necessary to develop a reporting system, an auction system, or a compliance tracking system.   The time, effort, and expense for those three components is significant.

GHG Emissions Accounting and Linkage

New York’s CLCPA employs a unique method for GHG emissions accounting, utilizing a Global Warming Potential (GWP) over a 20-year horizon (GWP-20) and including emissions from electricity imported from other states, exported waste management services, and from biogenic sources. The GWP-20 accounting method emphasizes the short-term impacts of greenhouse gases and is particularly sensitive to gases like methane that have a higher warming potential but shorter atmospheric lifespan.

This is a significant reality slap for NYCI.  New York’s unique GHG emission reporting requirements are incompatible with other jurisdictions so we cannot take advantage of increasing the geographical scope.  I believe that it would be impossible to incorporate New York’s reporting approach into any other cap-and-invest program.  As proof note that last spring the Department of Environmental Conservation floated the idea of changing the GWP approach and the usual suspects melted down.  If this idea is suggested again, the outcry will be the same. 

Emissions Cap Setting

The level of the initial emissions cap and its trajectory over time will play a large role in shaping the price of allowances and the cost of compliance with NYCI. To incentivize investment in emissions reduction, the cap must decline over time. A steeper decline increases the rate of emissions reduction, but also likely leads to a higher price of emissions allowances in auctions and in trade, increasing the financial cost imposed on businesses complying with the program.

This is another reality tradeoff has already been addressed.  Clean energy resources need to be deployed to displace existing sources of GHG emissions.  There are a whole host of reasons that those resources may not be deployed on the schedule necessary to meet the Climate Act legal mandates.  If the emission cap reduction trajectory blindly follows the legal mandate with no provision to account for deployment delays, then there will be insufficient allowances necessary to meet energy demand.  The resulting shortfall would result in consequences more severe than the alleged problems the Climate Act is supposed to mitigate.

Allowance Allocation Method

NYCI regulations must determine how the program will allocate allowances. While that is almost certain to include an auction, it could also include various methods of free allocation. Early cap-and-invest programs, including the European Union ETS, primarily allocated allowances for free to regulated businesses. Over time this has changed; most existing emissions trading systems now utilize auctions to allocate most emissions allowances, while distributing a portion for free to alleviate leakage risk or consumer costs. The benefits of allocation by auction from the perspective of governments is obvious: cap-and-invest can generate substantial revenue. Since it began operating in 2013, California’s system has generated more than $38 billion.

I think this description addresses the issues associated with allowance allocations correctly. 

Price Stability Mechanisms

NYCI’s design can also affect the volatility of allowance prices in the market. Cap-and-invest gives the government some certainty over the level of emissions within the scope of the program, but the price of allowances will be variable. Allowance price volatility is a concern because it adds risk to the decision to invest in technologies that could reduce emissions—especially investments that have high upfront fixed costs. Extreme allowance prices on the high end raise the costs imposed on businesses and households. While businesses may be primarily concerned with high allowance prices, sudden price swings may discourage them from making investments if they expect the cost of compliance in the long-run to change. An excessively low allowance price indicates that the supply of allowances (the emissions cap) may closely mirror, or exceed, market demand for allowances, meaning there’s a weak incentive to invest in emissions reduction. Mechanisms to rein in excessive auction volatility and price extremes can mitigate these risks.

Price stability is important and this description accurately points out why.  However, controversy is inevitable for this mechanism. It appears that NYCI is being modeled after the California cap-and-trade program with many of the same features mentioned for potential inclusion.  California incorporates automatic allowance adjustments to address cost volatility that may be incompatible with the Climate Act and are certainly at odds with an allowance distribution that meets the Climate Act schedule.  The article CA Carbon Cap it not really a cap explains:

You see, the so-called emissions “cap” in the program automatically adjusts so that it is actually very unlikely to set a hard limit on emissions. If the state’s greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are lower than the emissions cap, the program puts a floor on the price of the tradable emissions allowances, essentially shrinking the cap to soak up extra allowances at the floor price. And if emissions are high, it automatically expands the cap by selling all allowances demanded at a pre-determined ceiling price.

Also see The Limits of Carbon Trading Limits that argues that the cap is elastic for good reasons:

California’s CO2 market has the most sophisticated, and arguably most successful, system of emissions price-collars of any cap-and-trade market. The price-collars are designed to regulate the CO2 price so that it doesn’t reach economically – or politically – unacceptable extremes by making the cap elastic. If the price is too low, the system automatically withholds additional CO2 allowances to tighten supply. If the price is too high, it supplies more of them. This means, as Severin Borenstein and I have laid out in the past, that California’s CO2 “cap” is more accurately thought of as a progressive carbon tax, where the price of CO2 goes up at higher levels of statewide CO2 emissions.

I think these features may be incompatible with the Climate Act law if the Climate Action Council interpretation is followed.

Emitter Compliance Flexibility

Providing emitters with various ways to achieve compliance can improve the overall cost-effectiveness of NYCI without compromising its objective of emissions reduction. Allowance trading, carbon offsets and allowance banking can help to lower compliance costs and enhance the efficiency of the program. These flexibility mechanisms allow the artificial market created by the cap-and-invest program to emulate real market behavior. This can help to ensure that sudden changes in the market don’t lead to extreme price volatility, making the program more predictable and manageable for participating businesses. This adaptability has been key to the success of existing emissions trading systems.

This is another inevitable reality confrontation.  These are absolutely necessary components of any cap-and-invest program but they are opposed by New York’s climate activist constituency.  It is unclear how the Hochul Administration can continue to cater to those folks when they demand to remove the tools that make market trading programs work. 

One of the demands by this constituency is to forbid the use of offsets as noted in the Keys Report description.  I think this is flawed.  The Climate Act is net-zero which is defined as an 85% reduction in GHG emissions with the remaining 15% of emissions counterbalanced by offsetting emissions.  I guess they want to limit offsets to particular sectors, but the following description explains all the benefits that prohibiting offsets will prevent:

Carbon offsets can also be a valuable flexibility tool in a cap-and-invest program. Offsets allow regulated entities to meet a portion of their compliance obligation by investing in or purchasing emission-reduction credits from projects outside of the capped sectors. These might include forestry projects or agricultural practices that sequester carbon, or methane capture from landfills. If the agriculture and waste sectors are not required to comply with NYCI, creating a secondary market for offsets could incentivize these sectors to improve their efficiency. Offsets can provide an affordable alternative for compliance, but they have been the subject of frequent scrutiny due to concerns that the emission benefits they generate would have occurred regardless of investment in the credited activity.40 Research on offsets does indicate establishing equivalency of offset projects to more direct emissions reduction is a challenge. Despite their imperfection, offsets can provide a real value, especially in the near term when strategies to reduce emissions are more limited. The CLCPA addresses these concerns by requiring that DEC verify that any emissions offsets used to comply with environmental regulation are, “real, additional, verifiable, enforceable, and permanent.”

Tradeoffs from Limiting Flexibility

The possibility of including a trading mechanism in NYCI, rather than setting facility-specific caps in the program, has drawn scrutiny. This is largely out of concerns that polluters in or near Disadvantaged Communities (DAC) would be able to continue polluting, and instead simply buy allowances and maintain their current emissions levels. Historically, these communities have often been disproportionately exposed to air and water pollution, giving reasonable rise to this concern.

Another reality is that allowance market programs are trading programs.  The idea that there should be limits on trading is inimical to the very concept of a trading program.  This is a GHG emissions trading program that is appropriate to use for pollutants that influence global warming. The location within New York State for the GHG emissions does not matter.  In order to curry favor with more political constituencies, the Climate Act includes provisions to address disadvantaged communities.  This includes the idea from members of the Climate Action Council who had no trading program experience to somehow include site-specific limits on trading.  I personally see no practical way to implement such a scheme.  As noted below there are other regulations in place that ensure that all regions in the state meet air and water quality standards that protect health and welfare so the idea that GHG emissions trading should also address local effects is counter-productive and unnecessary.

Revenue Management and Use

Ensuring the transparent, accountable, and efficient use of the revenue generated is critical to the success and legitimacy of a cap-and-invest system. If auction prices are similar to those in the state-level cap-and-invest systems in California and Washington, NYCI could generate billions of dollars annually.

I have no doubt that NYCI will generate billions of dollars.  Unfortunately, New York’s record of RGGI investment proceeds has been dismal. According to the New York State Regional Greenhouse Gas

Initiative-Funded Programs report, since the inception of the program, total investments from New York’s RGGI auction proceeds programs is $825 million and the claimed savings are 1,731,823 tons of CO2e with a calculated cost per ton reduced of $476/ton.  At that rate, investments to provide the reductions necessary will be unaffordable.

Monitoring, Evaluation, and Modification

All existing GHG emissions trading systems began operating in the last two decades, and significant changes have been made to all of their structures since being implemented. While evidence supports many of the design parameters discussed in previous sections, it is limited by the short time these policies have been in operation and the unique environmental and economic characteristics within each region. It is crucial that robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms be incorporated with cap-and-invest to assess the program’s performance over time and inform any adjustments to the program as necessary.

I agree with these comments.

Recommendations

The Keys Report includes recommended cap-and-invest design features.  The following paragraph sums up the issues I believe must be addressed.

While the Cap-and-Invest program proposed by the State could reduce emissions more cost-effectively than other regulatory approaches, its success will depend greatly on its design. Efforts to make the program more stringent by limiting trading of allowances, or imposing source-specific emissions limits, while well intentioned, would ultimately increase the costs imposed on New Yorkers and may exacerbate emissions leakage and economic competitiveness risks.

It is important to also recognize NYCI would not exist in a vacuum. NYCI is a central component of New York’s efforts to reduce emissions, but alone, is unlikely to ensure CLCPA goals are met. If additional regulations are pursued that include facility-specific limits or energy standards, the interaction with cap-and-invest could render it less cost-effective. Traditional regulatory standards could require some firms to reduce their emissions beyond what they otherwise would have under only cap-and-invest. This would reduce demand in the allowance market, pushing down prices and undermining the incentive for businesses only covered by cap-and-invest to reduce their emissions. Facility-specific regulations may still be appropriate if there are local health impacts or other negative externalities not adequately covered by the emissions market.

I want to make one point about the final sentence.  The Climate Action Council health impact arguments ignore the fact that there already are regulations in place to address local impacts.  Every facility in New York has had to prove that its emissions do not cause exceedances of the National Ambient Air Quality Standards.  This condition is ignored in these arguments.  The Department of Environmental Conservation is developing regulations and guidance to deal with these concerns and this has to be considered as NYCI is implemented.

The CBC recommends the State follow these approaches when designing the Cap-and-Invest program:

  1. Allow and pursue linkage with other emissions trading programs. While a national cap-and-invest program that covers all economy-wide emissions is optimal, broadening the scope of Cap-and-Invest beyond the boundaries of New York, by linking with other programs, would enhance the program’s cost-effectiveness by providing a larger pool of emissions reduction opportunities. The State should ensure that NYCI regulations are designed to be consistent with emissions trading systems in other states to enable future linkage.

I agree with this recommendation.

  • Keep sectoral coverage as broad as possible. NYCI should cover emissions from as many sectors as is feasible. Exceptions should only be made if inclusion is exceedingly difficult or expensive to administer. Excluding certain sectors could shift the entire burden of reducing economy-wide emissions onto sectors with a compliance obligation. Sectors that face a greater emissions leakage risk could instead be given a share of allowances for free to alleviate this risk, but they should still have an obligation to comply with the program.

I agree with this recommendation.

  • Maintain flexibility in compliance through trading, banking, and verifiable offsets. An efficient Cap-and-Invest program should provide businesses with multiple options for compliance to accommodate the differences in their conditions. Trading should not be restricted; limiting this critical component of cap-and-invest would add uncertainty to the market, and potentially drive up the price of allowances without increasing the environmental benefits of the program. Permitting banking of allowances can encourage early emission reductions and help companies smooth out their compliance costs over time. Allowing the use of verifiable offsets to meet a portion of firms’ compliance obligation can reduce the cost of compliance and incentivize emissions reduction in non-regulated sectors.

I agree with this recommendation,  If these are not accepted, this is no longer a market trading program and none of the observed benefits of previous successful programs should be expected.

  • Allocate revenue on budget, but free from capture. Revenues generated through NYCI should be included and appropriated within the State’s regular budget process, as other taxes and fees are within the financial plan, to promote transparency and accountability and ensure that funds are not spent wastefully. Furthermore, this revenue should be allocated to costs related to administering and evaluating the program, and investments that further the goals of the program, such as energy efficiency programs, development of low-carbon energy infrastructure, and incentives for the adoption of clean technologies. These investments can accelerate the transition towards a low-carbon economy, reduce the burden of compliance costs, and deliver additional environmental and economic benefits. The revenue generated by NYCI should be free from capture and diversion to short-sighted spending endeavors and unrelated political priorities.

I also agree with this recommendation.  I did not mention that New York has diverted the RGGI allowance proceeds in the past.  In addition, to the overt diversion to the general fund, the Agencies continue to use RGGI revenue as a slush fund to cover costs more appropriately covered by other programs.  Importantly this means less money for the stated purpose of the program.

  • Regularly monitor, publicly report, and evaluate program data and modify the program based on evidence. Effective monitoring and evaluation are key to the success of the Cap-and-Invest program. Regularly reporting on the program outcomes, including emissions reduction progress, the functioning of the allowance auction and secondary market, and the use of auction revenues, can ensure transparency, accountability, and inform adjustments to improve NYCI. Data collected from auctions and programs receiving revenue should be publicized to allow for adequate public scrutiny.

I agree with this recommendation.

  • Align the program with other regulations implemented in accordance with the CLCPA. Any additional climate policies that may be pursued to meet CLCPA goals should be considered holistically when designing Cap-and-Invest to minimize overlapping regulatory costs and improve overall policy effectiveness. This approach can help ensure that the program complements rather than conflicts with, or inappropriately compounds the costs of, other measures.

I think this recommendation makes sense.

  • Finalize clear and comprehensive rules and give adequate time for businesses to prepare. Predictability and certainty are necessary for businesses to plan their compliance and emissions reduction investments. Finalizing clear and comprehensive rules in a timely manner can reduce uncertainty and facilitate a smooth transition for the carbon market. The State should finalize regulations well in advance of the first compliance period.

This is a common sense recommendation but I fear the desire to get something up and running as soon as possible will mean that implementation will be rushed.

Conclusion

The Keys Report is an excellent summation of NYCI and I recommend reading the original document.  I know how much work went into this report because have tried to describe the issues covered in this report myself. I find it encouraging that a non-partisan organization with no preconceived notions on the benefits and risks of the cap-and-invest programs is in close agreement with my concerns.  My comments on this report support their work and provide context that shows that their concerns are warranted.  If anything, their concerns are understated. However, because there are significant differences between their recommendations and the Hochul Administration narrative I am not optimistic that their recommendations will be considered and implemented.

Personally, I think NYCI is not going to work as its supporters think. I agree with Danny Cullenward and David Victor’s book Making Climate Policy Work  that the politics of creating and maintaining market-based policies for GHG emissions “render them ineffective nearly everywhere they have been applied”.  I have no reason to believe that NYCI will be any different even if all the recommendations suggested by the Keys Report are implemented.  Because I think that political considerations will preclude those recommendations, I think that NYCI will cause a dramatic increase in New York energy costs, fritter the revenues away on politically convenient projects, and fail to support renewable energy resource development sufficient to meet the mandated goals of the Climate Act.  I expect no good outcomes.

NYISO Comprehensive Reliability Plan

On November 29, 2023 the New York Independent System Operator (NYISO) released its 2023-2032 Comprehensive Reliability Plan (CRP).  This is a key part of New York’s reliability planning process and addresses the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) net zero transition mandate for the 70% renewable energy by 2030 and the zero-emissions grid by 2040.  The report includes recommendations that are odds with climate activists’ demands.  This post summarizes recommendations related to the Climate Act.

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation. 

In order to ensure that the onslaught of regulations and orders is feasible the NYISO follows its reliability planning process.  The press release for the 2023-2032 Comprehensive Reliability Plan (CRP) says that it “highlights growing risks to electric system reliability, including: projected increases in peak demand due to electrification of the transportation and building sectors; additional generator deactivations; delayed implementation of planned infrastructure projects; and extreme weather.” It is a part of the NYISO reliability planning process that “sets forth a plan to maintain a reliable bulk electric grid based on expected changes and conditions over a ten-year planning period.”  It is issued every two years.  The report and appendices are available from the NYISO.

Press Release Highlights

In this section I will annotate the points made in the press release.  The first paragraph after the introduction notes:

In addition to rising demand due to continued electrification, several large commercial projects in upstate New York are in development and are forecasted to significantly increase energy use over the planning period.  Further, state legislation enacted last year will require the phase-out of the New York Power Authority’s small natural gas plants located in New York City by December 31, 2030. If demand on the grid grows at a rate greater than the buildout of new generation and transmission, reliability deficiencies could arise within the CRP’s ten-year planning period. 

Electrification of the transportation and building sectors is a direct consequence of the Climate Act plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) by electrifying everything possible.  The building and transportation sectors are the two largest sectors of emissions.  There is no question that replacing energy used by direct combustion of fossil fuels with electricity will increase loads.  NYISO is particularly concerned that this transition will not only increase the loads but also shift the peak loads from summer to winter and affect the daily load patterns as well.

The electric grid is an incredibly complex system best left to experts.  The hubris of the progressive wing of the Democratic majority in the New York State Legislature that they should get involved in power planning is blatant pandering to favored constituencies.  The NYPA legislation is a case in point.  Phasing out the New York Power Authority’s small natural gas plants in New York City by any date certain is a risk that is major issue in the CRP.  Increasing load on one hand and retiring generation at the same time is a primary risk identified in the report.

The press release explains how the problem can be addressed:

The potential risks and resource needs identified in the CRP may be resolved by new capacity resources coming into service, construction of additional transmission facilities, increased energy efficiency, integration of distributed energy resources and/or growth in demand response participation.

I do not think that there are any surprises in these recommendations.  It is imperative to build more, connect more, and reduce load to the extent possible but electrification of buildings and transportation means we cannot expect much help there.

The press release highlights risks related to deployment of new resources:

“Our latest report demonstrates the continued importance of the NYISO’s in-depth planning process and the need to closely monitor the rapidly changing electric grid,” said Zach Smith, Vice President, System and Resource Planning.  “In this CRP, we highlight several risk factors that could adversely affect system reliability in the months and years ahead.”

The plan underscores the importance of the timely completion of planned transmission projects – primarily the Champlain Hudson Power Express (CHPE) project – to maintain system reliability. Without the CHPE project in service by May 2026 or other offsetting solutions, reliability margins within New York City would be deficient beginning in 2026.

I cannot over-emphasize how important the NYISO planning process is during this transition.  It is the most prominent process to introduce reality.  Unfortunately, I am concerned that the transition to weather-dependent resources that cannot be dispatched and do not provide ancillary transmission support services is unprecedented and that even the experts at the NYISO will be unable to anticipate all the possible problems.  This could result in blackouts that will be more impactful than any of the potential impacts of a tweak to climatic conditions due to GHG emissions.

In the politicized energy policy environment of New York the NYISO cannot come out and say that risking the reliability of New York City’s electric grid by counting on a specific transmission project is unacceptable. Underscoring the importance of “timely completion” really means we should not make any changes to the existing system until the Champlain Hudson Power Express project is complete.  In addition there are risks to the technology.  I have heard anecdotal evidence that there have been issues with underwater electric cables connecting Long Island to the mainland that lasted longer than expected.  CHPE is mostly underwater from Quebec to New York City but there are above ground lines in Quebec that are even more liable to disruptions.

The strategy to electrify everything will shift the peak load from summer to winter.  This introduces additional issues:

Transition from a summer peaking system to a winter peaking system also poses challenges to grid reliability. This shift, driven by the electrification of the building and transportation sectors, is forecasted to occur within ten years. A winter peaking system introduces new reliability concerns, particularly around fuel availability for gas-fired generators. Based on a recent assessment of New York’s fuel and energy security, the CRP states the following:

Preliminary results of the 2023 Fuel and Energy Security study demonstrate that NYISO will need to rely significantly on dual-fuel generation resources to support winter system reliability into the next decade and changes to the resource mix may complicate system operations during multi-day cold snap conditions. The frequency and severity of projected potential loss of load events grow over the modeling time horizon as the generation mix evolves and the demand for electricity increases.

One of the prominent claims of the Scoping Plan is that the “zero-emissions” electric grid of the future will be “diverse”.  Nothing could be further from the truth.  The ugly secret of wind and solar resources is that their output is correlated.  The CRP notes: “Solar resources will have little to no output during the evening and nighttime hours and reduced output due to cloud cover, while wind resources can experience significant and sustained wind lulls. Periods of reduced renewable output will occur for short durations due to cloud cover or changes in wind speed and for prolonged periods across a daily/seasonal cycle.”  The CRP does not point out that wind lulls frequently occur over the entire state which magnifies the difficulties.

The New York generating system used to be more diverse than today.  New York regulated coal-firing out of business but the coal plants could store on-site fuel.  Natural gas is cheaper and has less environmental impact, but it is also used for home heating and thus subject to curtailment.  New York has significant oil-fired resources that have the advantage that they can be store oil on-site.  The reference to dual-fuel generation refers to the ability of certain facilities to burn oil and natural gas so that they can provide power when natural gas is curtailed.

The press release closes with the following:

Given the rapid pace of change on the bulk electric system, the NYISO will continue to monitor these and other developments to determine whether changing system resources and conditions could impact the reliability of the New York electric grid.

The competitive wholesale electricity markets administered by the NYISO are an essential tool to mitigate risks on the electric system, as well as facilitate the transition of the grid to increased renewables and decarbonization as required under state law.  The competitive markets continue to evolve and adapt to guide and attract new market entry and retention of resources that support reliability. 

The NYISO is a product of the de-regulated electric system that depends on markets.  I am not as optimistic as NYISO that the markets will succeed as suggested.  Energy developers have to be consider the risks and rewards of all the investments they make.  One of the problems in New York City is that the in-city peaking power plants are old.  I know that many of the facilities had plans to re-power with new and much cleaner units and had all the permits in place to build them. However, market uncertainties led to the decision not to build them.  Without expensive guaranteed subsidies I expect that this will be the case for renewable developments.  That sounds less and less like a de-regulated system to me.

Key Reliability Risk Takeaways

The CRP Executive Summary outlines the reliability risks.  There is an important caveat:

The CRP’s finding of no long-term reliability violations reflects the Reliability Planning Process assumptions, which are set in accordance with applicable reliability design criteria and NYISO’s procedures. There are, however, risk factors that could adversely affect system reliability over the planning horizon. These risk factors may arise for several reasons including climate, economic, regulatory, and policy drivers.

The ultimate concern is whether the risk factors are so problematic that it is appropriate to consider if a implementation pause is in order.  It is de rigor to say that climate will affect the availability of electricity, but they are really talking about extreme weather not climate. There are economic issues associated with the renewable developers that could slow or cancel developments,  The Hochul Administration is trying to remove all regulatory barriers but the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, New York State Reliability Council, New York Public Service Commission, and even the NYISO have regulatory requirements that can affect implementation particularly on the arbitrary schedule of the Climate Act. 

The following list of key risks are all the result of the Climate Act net-zero transition.  In this overview I will include some brief comments.

The CRP is concerned with the speed of change in the electric grid.  Unsaid in the following is that there are no in-kind replacements available for the NYPA small gas plants.  Legislators may think that replacement is only a matter of political will, but reality is different.

The pace of generation retirements has exceeded the pace of resource additions to date. Should this trend continue, reliability needs will be identified both locationally and statewide. For example, retirement of the NYPA small gas plants without adequate replacement would result in a deficiency in New York City of more than 600 MW.

The list includes concerns related to the CHPE project which I addressed earlier:

The reliability of the grid is heavily reliant on the timely completion of planned transmission projects, chiefly the CHPE project. Without the CHPE project in service or other offsetting changes or solutions, the reliability margins would be deficient for the ten-year planning horizon.

The Climate Act transition to electrified heating and transportation is unprecedented. 

There is a clear upward trend forecasted in peak demand over the next ten years, with significant uncertainty driven by electrification of heating and transportation coupled with the development of multiple high-electric demand facilities (e.g., microchip fabrication and data centers). As the demand on the grid grows at a rate greater than the build out of generation and transmission, deficiencies could arise within the ten-year planning horizon.

The NYISO is making their best estimates of the effect on peak load but the estimates are uncertain.  Another big concern is the potential addition of major high demand facilities.  At the top of the list of high demand facilities is the proposed Micron chip fabrication plant near Syracuse which is expected to need as much power as Vermont and New Hampshire combined.

Another key risk is imported power:

New York’s current reliance on neighboring systems is expected to continue through the next ten years. Without emergency assistance from neighboring regions, New York would not have adequate resources throughout the next ten years.

Extreme weather has always been the biggest threat to reliability.  This risk is also listed:

Extreme events, such as heatwaves or storms, pose a threat to grid reliability throughout the planning horizon and could result in deficiencies to serve demand statewide, especially in New York City. This outlook could improve as more resources and transmission are added to New York City.

The CRP links imported power and extreme events.  The document states that:

Statewide resource adequacy during these extreme events relies on neighboring regions for assistance during emergencies. Grid analysis demonstrates that New York would not have adequate resources throughout the next ten years if not for emergency assistance. Such emergency assistance assumes availability of resources from neighboring systems to send power to New York in an event that New York resources are inadequate. The NYISO will maintain interregional collaboration with neighboring systems to monitor the availability of emergency assistance as the resource mix transitions throughout the entire Eastern Interconnection.

I think the extent of the reliance on imported power represents a new paradigm.  It is not clear to me that it is in the best interests of New York to be dependent upon other jurisdictions.  This is especially true as the dependency upon wind and solar resources increases throughout the Eastern Interconnection.  The fact is that the winter worst-case coldest temperature extreme events are associated with low wind and solar resource availability.  The under appreciated problem is that the extent of the low resource availability during those events goes beyond adjacent systems.  Those systems may not be able to provide emergency support even if they wanted to.

There is an unmentioned reliability risk with the potential for devasting consequences.  Projections for future New York electrical energy generation (MWh) call for offshore wind to provide between 15 and 20% of the annual energy needs of the grid.  If a category 4 hurricane hits the offshore wind farms, then a significant fraction of the wind turbines could be damaged or destroyed.  Replacing them in a timely fashion would be a huge problem.

The problems of a winter-peaking system are another reliability risk.  I cannot add anything to the CRP summary:

The New York statewide grid is projected to become a winter-peaking system in the mid-2030s, primarily driven by electrification of space heating and transportation. The New York statewide grid is reliable for normal weather in the winter for the next ten years, but deficiencies would arise as early as winter 2027-2028 for an extreme 1-in-100-year winter cold snap coupled with a shortage of gas fuel supply. This deficiency would grow to a 6,000 MW shortfall by winter 2032-2033. Additional deactivations of dual-fuel generation beyond what is planned will exacerbate the winter reliability risk.

The final reliability risk addresses changes to the planning process:

Planning for the more extreme system conditions of heatwaves, cold snaps, and fuel availability is currently beyond established design criteria. However, several reliability organizations are investigating whether applicable reliability rules and design criteria should be revised to account for these events.

I am disappointed that the CRP did not mention the link between low wind energy resource availability and heatwaves and cold snaps.  Large and intense atmospheric high-pressure systems lead to the most extreme temperatures and cause light winds over enormous areas.  The reliability organizations are just getting their heads around the ramifications of the magnitude, duration, and extent of these events.  They have not addressed the effect on design criteria.  One of the primary criteria today is the loss of load expectation over a ten-year period.  If analysis determines that once every fifteen years that the expected availability of wind resources requires additional support, that means a new planning horizon. 

The unaddressed issue is where do you stop.  A 15-year criterion could require a substantial investment for some resource that will only be used once every fifteen years.  The problem is that you must make the investment because the weather conditions that cause the problem will occur- it is only a question of time.  If the investments are not made, then electricity won’t be available and a catastrophic blackout will occur.  In February 2021, the Texas electric grid failed to provide sufficient energy when it was needed.  The storm was the worst energy infrastructure failure in Texas history and 4.5 million homes and residences were without power, at least 246 people died, and total damages were at least $195 billion. 

Conclusion

The North American electric power grid has been described as the  largest machine in the world.  Incredibly all the fossil, hydro, and nuclear generating stations in the Eastern Interconnection from Saskatchewan to Florida, Oklahoma to Nova Scotia are connected and work together. It relies on the ability of operators to constantly match load demand with generation output.  In order to provide 60 Hz power, the generating turbines are synchronized to run at 3600 revolutions per minute.  Operators keep the voltages as constant as possible in the entire area but have the advantage that those turbines provide inertia, and they can dispatch generating resources as necessary.

The CRP raises important reliability issues, but I think it does not fully convey the magnitude of the proposed “zero-emissions” transition challenge.  The success of the existing power grid and the benefits of affordable and reliable power it provides developed over decades.  Converting the existing system to one that relies on weather-dependent resources and does not inherently provide the ancillary services such as inertia that are inherent to the turbines relied on presently is a massive challenge.  Meeting the ”zero-emission” by 2040 schedule mandated by politicians without relying on nuclear energy exacerbates that challenge.  It is not politically correct for the NYISO to call out this challenge in detail or to explicitly suggest that it is not possible without enormous reliability risks.  I have no such restraints.  Unless the Climate Act mandates are modified and the schedule changed, blackouts will result, and people will freeze to death in the dark;

Ellenbogen: New York State’s Energy Transition

Richard Ellenbogen recently gave an important presentation on New York State’s Energy Transition that details his concerns with the net -zero mandate of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (CLCPA).  I think it is important that his message gets out to all New Yorkers. 

Unfortunately, the presentation is very detailed to avoid issues with those people who have a monetary interest in this process and the climate zealots who will undoubtedly disagree with the findings and recommendations.  This makes the video over two hours long and very dense.  This is beyond the attention span of most people.  I tried to address that problem by highlighting what I think are the primary points with links to the corresponding sections of the video.

Ellenbogen is the President [BIO] Allied Converters and frequently copies me on emails that address various issues associated with the CLCPA.  I have published other articles by him and a description of his keynote address to the Business Council of New York 2023 Renewable Energy Conference Energy titled: “Energy on Demand as the Life Blood of Business and Entrepreneurship in the State -video here:  Why NY State Must Rethink Its Energy Plan and Ten Suggestions to Help Fix the Problems.” There are only a few people in New York that are trying to educate people about the risks of the CLCPA with as much passion as I am but Richard certainly fits that description.  He comes at the problem as an engineer who truly cares about the environment and how best to improve the environment without unintended consequences.  He has spent an enormous amount of time honing his presentation summarizing the problems he sees but most of all the environmental performance record of his business shows that he is walking the walk.  

CLCPA Overview

The CLCPA established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation and legislation.  Ellenbogen’s presentation focuses on these proposed implementation programs.

Presentation Introduction

The Introduction to the presentation explains:

The following video has been made as a public service for the citizens of New York State.  The speakers have no monetary interest in the fossil fuel industry or in any of the equipment manufacturers related to the energy transition.  The rental of the Pelham Picture House, used for the presentation, was covered at their personal expense.

Ellenbogen sent me an email that described the presentation.  He wrote:

The video has some major differences from the presentation that was done as the keynote presentation at the Business Council of NY State Renewable Energy Conference as recent events have made it more apparent that the NY State Energy plan has major flaws in its logic.  Those issues were not unexpected, however watching them occur in real time has made addressing the problems an imperative. Things are not going to get better.

There are several parts of the presentation.  Two videos were running prior to the presentation while people were entering the theater. One is a video describing the products his company makes and how his facility has been made more energy efficient. The second video explains sustainability at Allied Converters and how it has kept them in business despite New York’s high energy prices.  The presentation video itself includes an 8-minute introduction that that used these slides.  The rest of the video is an 80-minute presentation  (slide deck) followed by 45 minutes of questions and answers.

Ellenbogen notes:

The presentation is long because it is very detailed.  It was done that way because everyone that has a monetary interest in this process, along with the climate zealots, is going to try and disparage the information contained in the presentation so I tried to cover all of the issues to avoid that as much as possible.

I am very aware of problems related to trying to describe the intricacies and problems with the CLCPA transition.  It is related to one of my pragmatic environmentalist principles namely the BS Asymmetry Principle described by Alberto Brandolini: “The amount of energy necessary to refute BS is an order of magnitude bigger than to produce it.”  Richard and I must delve into the details to respond to the flaws of the CLCPA.  This is necessary but it also makes it difficult for people to handle the amount and complexity of information needed to explain flaws.  I tried to highlight what I think are the key points in the presentation with links to the corresponding section of the video in case readers do not have the time to listen to the whole thing.

Key Points

In the Introduction Ellenbogen presents an overview of the CLCPA and some of the problems.  A recurring theme in the presentation is that other jurisdictions, especially Germany.  that have been trying to do the same thing as planned in the CLCPA are not doing so well.  Ignoring their experience is risky. He argues that the CLCPA is a fantasy for the following reasons:

  1. Lack of energy to support the plan,
  2. The renewables needed cannot be installed on the mandated schedule,
  3. Costs to excecute the plan will be much greater than other emission reduction strategies,
  4. The plan will increase GHG emissions more than other strategies, and
  5. There are logic errors in the analyses.

John Ravitz from the Business Council of Westchester County collaborated with Ellenbogen to organize the presentation.  During his introduction he argued that we all want a better environment, but we have to do it the right way.  He emphasized the need to have honest conversations about how to get there.  I agree with all those points.  He also said something that confirmed what I had long suspected.  He pointed out that the CLCPA legislation was passed “in the dead of night” at the end of the session and “I guarantee you that 99.9% of the members of the New York State Legislature did not read the bill.”  He said they did not understand the schedule issues and unintended consequences that could happen.

The presentation itself starts with more background of what Ellenbogen did at his business and how that background worries him about the proposed plan to meet the CLCPA mandates. 

There are only two issues where I have substantially different opinions than Ellenbogen.  While I can agree that reducing emissions is a good thing I do not believe that greenhouse gas emission reductions will have any effect on extreme weather.  I toyed with including a more detailed argument for my belief and a response to Ellenbogen’s comments in this regard but I do not want to detract from the main point that the CLCPA is bad policy.

My concerns about the implementation of the CLCPA are very similar to Ellenbogen, but we are not exactly aligned.  One of his big departures from the narrative of the CLCPA acolytes is that he sees a place for new natural gas combined cycle turbines.  That is heresy to those who insist on zero emissions.  I agree with Rich on that, but I think the use of existing fossil-fired generating units is appropriate too because many units have installed additional controls, have lower emissions than in the past, and still fulfill critical reliability services.  There is no question that until the New York independent System Operator (NYOSO) determines those units can be shut down they have to remain available.  However, I believe that it may be appropriate to keep some of those units on standby longer than anyone else admits at this point because wind and solar resources availability during worst-case conditions is a much bigger problem than most people realize.  Those old units can be an insurance policy for those rare and relatively short-term events.

His description of the Complex Problem Conundrum is particularly important.  In the rush to reach zero the Climate Act does not account for likely ratepayer reactions.  If you force people to use something that is more expensive and does not work as well they may resort to alternatives that are even worse.   

Another important discussion explains why New York State energy policy is a mess.  He argues and I agree that political interference in the technical issues associated with operating a reliable and affordable electric energy system cannot end well.  It cannot be emphasized enough that a realistic cost/benefit analysis has not been done.  The Hochul Administration has never provided detailed documentation for the costs and expected emission reductions for the specific control strategies that are included in the Scoping Plan.  That should be the first component of an honest conversation.  His discussion goes on to list many of the obstacles to implementation that are also prime topics for conversations. 

I agree with Ellenbogen’s description of obstacles that must be overcome.  He points out that we are not learning from others and that “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results.”

I have written about the statement by Robert W. Howarth, Ph.D., the David R. Atkinson Professor of Ecology & Environmental Biology supporting the adoption of the Scoping Plan. Howarth claims to be an author of the CLCPA and was a member of the Climate Action Council. Ellenbogen addresses the academic article that Howarth co-authored that is the basis of the Climate Act presumption that no new technology is needed for the electric system transition and that the mandated schedule is possible. Because he is a graduate of Cornell, Ellenbogen felt it was necessary to explain his reasoning in his email:

To anyone at Cornell or Stanford that has a problem with the presentation at the 47 minute mark, I stand behind what I said.  There is information in those documents that was false in 2013 and that has been proven by the fact that in 2023, the technologies that they claimed were readily available then still don’t exist in a form that can be used on the utility system, but this document is being used as the basis for NY State Energy policy and people may die as a result.

Later in the presentation he references work by Cornell engineers that says the transition plan that is the basis of the CLCPA will fail.  It is really troubling that Ellenbogen and the power system experts at Cornell have not been able to influence New York energy policy away from the mis-guided and refuted academic paper co-authored by a biologist.   

The CLCPA will affect the way we heat our homes. Ellenbogen has personal experience with heat pumps and does a good job explaining why the focus on heat pumps as a solution by NYSERDA will fail.  He points out problems that have been observed in Germany in the following slide.

The CLCPA will also affect the way we cook.  The usual suspects have been vilifying natural gas stoves and the presentation addresses this component of the net-zero transition.   He argues that the health impact claims are not worth the paper they are printed on and the tradeoff between benefits and costs is poor.

In order to explain why the Integration Analysis is fantasy he provides background information on the difference between power and energy and why capacity factors are important.  Ellenbogen repeatedly states that “I am not anti-renewable but you have to look at the numbers and be realistic”.  The power, energy, and capacity factor numbers affect the viability of a renewable energy powered electric grid.

He describes the analysis in the Scoping Plan for the CLCPA as fantasy.  The Power, energy, and capacity factor estimates in the Integration analysis are not realistic.  I love the description of the 20 GW of zero-carbon firm resource as “unicorn generation” because “you are as likely to see it as you are to see a unicorn.”  Everyone except Howarth and his acolytes believes that this zero-carbon firm resource is needed to address infrequent periods of extended low wind and solar resource availability.  The energy transition requires this new technology, but the State has unrealistic expectations for implementing it.

Ellenbogen’s presentation presents a rational alternative to the fantasies of the CLCPA implementation plan.  He looks at the electrical load necessary to replace the energy used for applications other than electric generation – heating, cooking, hot water, and transportation and concludes that on-site combustion of natural gas should have a role.  The Cornell study of energy storage shows a much higher estimate of amount needed and that increases costs significantly. 

For the cost of the storage needed you could build 6 or 7 nuclear plants that would produce dispatchable power and would last 60 years.  Wind and solar life expectancy is on the order of 20 years and batteries half of that which makes this transition strategy is much more expensive.  He notes that implementation costs are already starting to show up in rate cases and this will only continue.  His arguments for alternatives also point out that batteries will increase emissions until all the generation is zero-emissions.

Ellenbogen has refined his analysis over time.  I think his arguments to leave on-site combustion in place are particularly persuasive.  It is more efficient to use on-site generation.  He advocates for increased use of electric vehicles and allowing this generation frees up energy for them which means less generation is required.  He also recommends a pragmatic approach to reduce CO2 emissions from utility-scale co-generation.  The productivity in greenhouses increases substantially at higher CO2 levels and the CO2 is taken up by the plants.  I vaguely recall a plan to build greenhouses at the industrial park where the Micron chip fabrication plant is planned.  Using a co-generation power plant to provide the electricity needed by that facility, using the waste heat for fabrication processes, and supplying the CO2 to the greenhouses addresses multiple problems and reduces overall costs.

Finally, he makes recommendations to reduce personal utility costs and short- and long-term changes to the New York energy plan.  It is no surprise that energy efficiency is important for personal utility cost reductions.  For the energy plan he suggests the following short-term recommendations:

  1. Do not electrify buildings that run on natural gas,
  2. Focus heat pump deployment away from buildings that run on natural gas,
  3. Upgrade the grid infrastructure to support the electrification requirements,
  4. Increase support for electric vehicle infrastructure including grid support,
  5. Do not install large amounts of battery storage until renewable generation increases,
  6. Repower older generating plants with higher efficiency combined cycle natural gas units,
  7. Develop technologies other than electrolysis to generate green hydrogen,
  8. Focus natural gas resources on combined heat and power systems,
  9. Allow Micron to build a 2 GW combined cycle co-generation facility,
  10. Figure out how the utilities can install and interconnect the planned offshore wind,
  11. Set up pilot projects for greenhouse agriculture to ascertain values, and
  12. Authorize the establishment of pyrolysis projects for the elimination of plastic waste and organic waste and for generation of hydrogen that can be used to improve power plant efficiency.

In the long term he suggests adding 12 GW of nuclear to the generating system.

He concludes that New York should use common sense solutions to keep the lights on because when fantasies meet reality, reality always wins.  He notes that the CLCPA actually is hindering greenhouse gas emission efforts, risks reliability and will affect affordability. In the following slide he urges people to contact their State Senators and Assemblypersons to modify or repeal the CLCPA.

Q&A

If you are interested in the questions and answers they start at this point.  The session got heated when someone who subscribes to all of the CLCPA narrative talking points that Ellenbogen dismantled in his presentation asked why wind and solar alone can’t work and claimed nuclear has no place.  It got so bad that someone in the audience piped in and said if you cannot provide numbers supporting your position like Ellenbogen did then sit down because you wasting our time. 

Caveat

Ellenbogen has invested enormous time and energy into this presentation because of his personal conviction that the current plan is not a good idea.  He writes:

Keep in mind that I have no monetary interest in this but I have a huge problem with the questionable or deceptive at best, and  negligent at worst, science being used to justify these policies.  I have spent thousands of hours researching the details and have attended all of the meetings in Albany and elsewhere at my personal expense, both in time and money, as well as paying for the rental of the Picture House, along with John Ravitz.

Conclusion

Ellenbogen points out that the societal benefits are calculated as if New York is in a vacuum.  The fact is that completely eliminating New York greenhouse gas emissions will not have a meaningful effect on any of the impacts ascribed to climate change because the state’s total emissions are so small that they will be subsumed by emission increase elsewhere across the globe in a matter of weeks. He goes to great lengths so point out that he is not anti-renewable energy resources.  These points and others that disparage the CLCPA transition plan do not mean that we should not do something to reduce GHG emissions.  However, we should not “make up fantasies to justify it” or avoid honest conversations about how best to implement a transition to lower emissions.  It is time to honestly talk about the implications of this law.

Ellenbogen has the ear of many people at the agencies in Albany and unofficially they agree with his concerns.  Unfortunately, they are not in the position to say anything publicly because the CLCPA is a law and the agencies have been weaponized to support the political ambitions of the Administration in the last decade.  Speaking out of line with narrative is not a good career move for technical staff at the agencies.  Privately they admit that it will take a Texas-style blackout disaster to change the direction of the net-zero transition. The February 2021 Texas electric grid failure was the worst energy infrastructure failure in Texas history resulting in over 4.5 million homes and residences losing power in very cold weather, over 245 people dying and total damages of at least $195 billion. 

Remember that New York energy experts are warning that unless something is done this type of disaster is inevitable here. I prepared this summary of the presentation because I think it is important to educate New Yorkers.  I reiterate Ellenbogen’s recommendation: contact your State Senators and Assemblypersons to modify or repeal the CLCPA.  Contact the Governor’s Office so that the Administration gets the word that the loud environmental organizations are not the only ones concerned about this law.  Pass on this presentation to others who will be affected by this fantastical energy policy and encourage them to speak up.  It is too risky, we cannot afford it, and the plans are unsupportable.

Climate Act Misinformation: Cost Effectiveness Value of Societal Effects

Today I found a perfect example of Hochul Administration misinformation.  The New York State Energy Research & Development Authority (NYSEDA) Tier 4 renewable energy solicitation prepared Appendix C Cost Analysis document to support the petition by developers of four proposed offshore wind projects and 86 land-based renewable projects.   The claims made for the societal benefits of greenhouse gas emission reductions that are used to claim that various components of the net-zero transition mandated by the New York Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) have greater benefits than costs are based on inaccurate methods.  This post explains the problem with the methodology used by New York State.

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation and legislation. 

Obviously, it is important to consider whether the costs that will be incurred for the net-zero transition are lower than the benefits.  The Hochul Administration narrative claims that the costs of inaction for the net zero Climate Act transition outweigh the costs of action. I have been arguing for years that the statement is nothing more than a slogan and it is misleading because it does not include all the costs of the transition.  My analyses of costs found that there are several necessary program costs not included by the Administration. The benefits claimed are the focus of this post.  The analysis of the benefits that I submitted as a comment to the Scoping Plan shows that they over-estimated the benefits in several ways and incorrectly calculated the benefits.  The Climate Action Council never responded to my comments.  This post will summarize my comments and show the effect of the flawed methodology on the cost-effectiveness analyses in the Appendix C Cost Analysis document.

Societal Benefits

The NYSEDA Tier 4 renewable energy solicitation (“Tier 4 Solicitation”) awarded contracts for two transmission projects.  Clean Path New York (CPNY) and the Champlain Hudson Power Express (CHPE) The projects are:

Expected to deliver 18 million megawatt-hours of clean energy per year to New York City, or more than a third of the City’s annual consumption. During their construction and operation, the projects are expected to generate close to $6 billion in overall net societal benefits statewide, inclusive of greenhouse gas reductions and air quality improvements, and over $8 billion in economic development, including investments in disadvantaged communities.

I am only going to address the societal benefits of greenhouse gas reductions in this article.  For a complete discussion of societal benefits used to justify the Scoping Plan and these projects, I refer you to my Scoping Plan Benefits Comments.  I summarize  some of the details I provided for the greenhouse gas reduction benefits discussion below.

The largest benefits claimed for the Scoping Plan and the Tier 4 Solicitation are related to avoided societal costs from GHG emissions.  These benefits are calculated using the Social Cost of Carbon (SCC) or Value of Carbon.  This is a measure of the avoided costs for estimated global warming impacts out to the year 2300 resulting from a reduction of one ton of today’s emissions.  Models are used to project the benefits of reducing GHG emissions on future global warming impacts including those on agriculture, energy, and forestry, as well as sea-level rises, water resources, storms, biodiversity, cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, and vector-borne diseases (like malaria), and diarrhea. 

Richard Tol describes the value of greenhouse gas emission reductions thusly: “In sum, the causal chain from carbon dioxide emission to social cost of carbon is long, complex, and contingent on human decisions that are at least partly unrelated to climate policy. The social cost of carbon is, at least in part, also the social cost of underinvestment in infectious disease, the social cost of institutional failure in coastal countries, and so on.”  Clearly, the Social Cost of Carbon price is subject to value judgements. It is strongly affected by the choice of impacts included and by the assumptions made for the discount rate.  New York’s choices all maximize the value used.      

Flawed Methodology

The methodology used by New York agencies to calculate societal benefits relies on the New York Department of Environmental Conservation Value of Avoided Carbon GuidanceThe Guidance includes a recommendation how to estimate emission reduction benefits.  In the section entitled “Estimating the emission reduction benefits of a plan or goal” an example is included that states:

The net present value of the plan is equal to the cumulative benefit of the emission reductions that happened each year (adjusted for the discount rate). In other words, the value of carbon is applied to each year, based on the reduction from the no action case, 100,000 tons in this case. The Appendix provides the value of carbon for each year. For example, the social cost of carbon dioxide in 2021 at a 2% discount rate is $127 per metric ton. The value of the reductions in 2021 are equal to $127 times 5,000 metric tons, or $635,000; in 2022 $129 times 10,000 tons, etc. This calculation would be carried out for each year and for each discount rate of interest.

I believe that the guidance approach is wrong because it applies the social cost multiple times for each ton reduced.  It is inappropriate to claim the cumulative benefits of an annual reduction of a ton of greenhouse gas over any lifetime or to compare it with avoided emissions. The value of carbon for an emission reduction is based on all the damage that occur from the year that ton of carbon is reduced out to 2300.  Clearly, using cumulative values for this parameter is incorrect because it counts those values over and over.  I contacted social cost of carbon expert Dr. Richard Tol about my interpretation of the use of lifetime savings and he confirmed that “The SCC should not be compared to life-time savings or life-time costs (unless the project life is one year)”. 

For the record I have made this argument in several different proceedings and with one exception my comments have been ignored.  I pushed for an explanation long enough for the comment that I submitted on the Value of Avoided Carbon Guidance that I did get a response.  There wasn’t any explanation why Dr. Tol and I were wrong.  The reason was “We ultimately decided to stay with the recommendation of applying the Value of Carbon as described in the guidance as that is consistent with how it is applied in benefit-cost analyses at the state and federal level.”

Impact on Claimed Benefits

Appendix C to the Tier 4 Petition describes how the societal benefits were calculated.  It states: “net carbon value provided by the Project is quantified as the difference in carbon emissions between the scenarios with and without Tier 4 on an annual basis, multiplied by respective the social cost of carbon (SCC) per ton of carbon emissions”.  In other words, they used models to project the GHG emissions with and without the Tier 4 projects and then multiplied the difference in emissions by the SCC value.  To their credit they do make a conservative assumption: “Both scenarios are set up in the analysis to achieve New York’s goal of 100% carbon-free generation by 2040, so by 2040 the difference in carbon emissions between the two scenarios reduces to zero.”

Using this methodology, the Public Service Commission Order Approving Contracts for Purchase of Tier 4 RECs claims that:

NYSERDA and Staff estimate that the combination of the CPNY and HQUS projects would provide a societal benefit of between $2.3 and $5.8 billion, using a net present value based on 2021 dollars.

There is no documentation that lists the annual emission reduction projections used and which SCC values were used so I cannot reproduce their estimates.  I made an estimate of the societal benefits of these two Tier 4 transmission projects.  The NYSEDA Tier 4 renewable energy solicitation claims that the projects will “deliver 18 million megawatt-hours of clean energy” per year.   Assuming this energy displaces electric generating units that in 2022 emitted CO2 at a rate of 0.51 tons per MWH, I calculate an emission reduction of 8.35 million metric tons.  Using the 2030 value of carbon at a 3% discount rate the societal benefit is $0.53 billion which is an order of magnitude less than the higher societal benefit claimed.

Conclusion

This post re-iterates a point that I have been making for years.  The Hochul Administration has contrived higher estimates for societal greenhouse gas emission benefits to the point where their valuation is much higher than other jurisdictions.  This manipulation has not been sufficient to “prove” that societal benefits were greater than the costs for various Climate Act transition programs.  To maximize benefits, the State inappropriately applies the Social Cost of Carbon to multiple years rather than once.  This is akin to saying that because I lost five pounds ten years ago I can claim that I lost 50 pounds.  The advocates of the Climate Act transition are the first to claim that they “follow the science” but the reality is that the biased analyses, selective choice of assumptions, and dodgy calculation methods represent misinformation of the highest order.

Articles of Note November 26, 2023

Sometimes I just don’t have time to put together an article about specific posts I have read about the net-zero transition and climate change that I think are relevant.  This is a summary of posts that I think would be of interest to my readers.

I have been following the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) since it was first proposed and most of the articles described are related to it. I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good. The opinions expressed in this article do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Videos

Here are links to some interesting videos:

Mark Mills gives a lecture titled Green energy – folly or the future?

Scott Tinker An Honest & Sensible Conversation about Global Energy

Mike Shellenberger A Pro-Human Environmental Policy

Bjorn Lomborg How to fix climate change. But Smartly.

Climate Discussion Nexus – Sea Level Change

Failed Projections

Andrew Follett writes in the National Review that We’ve Had Six Years Left to Save the World for the Past 50 Years.  Follett describes numerous examples of failed predictions of the apocalypse such as “Harvard biologist George Wald warning shortly before the first Earth Day in 1970 that civilization would end within 15 to 30 years ‘unless immediate action is taken against problems facing mankind’.”  He concludes:

The Washington Post may not remember the drumbeat of failed predictions made by environmentalists over the course of the past half century, but apocalyptic rhetoric is nothing new in the cultlike echo chamber of eco-activists and extremist environmental-science scholars. Countless predictions that the end is nigh have been around for the past several decades. Don’t give away all your savings just yet.

What Will it Take?

A frequent topic of conversation I have with people who understand the electric system is when will the madness of this deeply flawed reckless transformation of the electric system fall apart.  Francis Menton at the Manhattan Contrarian has been writing about the inevitable collision of zero-emissions dreams with reality for a couple of years.  His latest article points out that elections in Argentina and Holland featured wins by politicians who do not subscribe to the insanity.  Neither has enough support to ensure a reversal but it is an encouraging sign.  The other notable event is that investors are not investing in sustainable stocks and funds as they once did.  It is turning out that even with government subsidies that wind and solar projects are not making profits.  He concludes:

The best thing to end the wind/solar craziness will be to have one or two jurisdictions fail spectacularly as a lesson to everyone else.  I wouldn’t have wanted my own New York to volunteer for that role, but that may be what’s happening.

If Renewables are so Cheap?

Kevin Roche explains the problem.  If renewable energy is so supposedly cheap, why does it take such huge subsidies to produce it?  For the record I don’t think the subsidies shown in include the costs for energy storage required when the wind is not blowing and the sun is not shining, the magical dispatchable emissions-free resource needed when there are extended periods of low renewable resource availability, and all the ancillary transmission support services not provided by wind and solar generation.

State Differences In Energy Costs

In addition to infeasibility the energy transition will certainly raise costs.  This article documents the difference between states that have green energy mandates and those that do not.  Seven of the top eight continental states (including New York} in terms of highest average retail electricity prices in 2023 have some sort of green energy mandates.  “The differences in electricity costs are stark, with the costs of a kilowatt hour in California, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut more than doubling the costs of the same unit in states like Idaho, Wyoming, Utah and Oklahoma” that do not have mandates.

Fifth National Climate Assessment

Climate Discussion Nexus – If Only They Were Just in It For The Money:

The Manhattan Contrarian offers a skeptical look at America’s new “Fifth National Climate Assessment” produced by a bureaucratic hydra consisting of 14 major agencies all united in believing that humanity is setting the sky on fire and the only way to stop it is for all 14 of them to get a whole lot more money. But while the problem of asking bureaucracies whose existence depends on there being a climate crisis to investigate whether there is a climate crisis is obvious enough, an even deeper problem is what happens when those bureaucracies turn to known zealots to do the writing. After all, if the corruption were merely mercenary we could, in principle, bribe them to dismiss the alarm as a hoax, in the unlikely event skeptics could ever raise the necessary funds. But at its core this crowd isn’t interested in money or, for that matter, science. As Roger Pielke Jr. exclaimed in irritation “How did Project Drawdown, The Nature Conservancy and Stripe get to write the overview chapter on climate for the US NCA?” Everyone would object, he notes, if people from known skeptical organizations were put in charge of the writing process. Yet when employees of climate advocacy organizations are handed control over the writing process we are supposed to pretend the result will be anything other than propaganda.

Making Sense of the Politics of Extreme Climate Projections

Roger Pielke Jr. describes the dynamics behind climate policy analyses in an article related to the previous one.  He describes recent work that you will not hear in the mainstream media because it indicates that the worst-case projections relied on as rationale for the Climate Act are less likely.  This does not mean that we should not do something, but it reinforces my belief that we have time to make sure that the net-zero transition policies will not do more harm than good.

Yet Another issue with Offshore Wind

In order to build the offshore wind facilities necessary for the Climate Act transition, an entire industry has to be developed.  It is not just making the turbine blades and the supporting structures but also the construction equipment to install everything.  To complicate things more, the Jones Act requires that the equipment shipped out of US ports be transported on ships built, owned, and operated by US citizens and that complicates offshore wind construction.  This article explains that the “arms race” among manufacturers to build ever bigger offshore wind turbines means that the ship builders have issues.  They build for one size and somebody wants to install an even bigger one by the time the ship starts work.  “We will get to a certain point where there is a limit,” he said, “purely due to practicality.”

Zero-Emissions Electric System Demonstration of Feasibility

I believe that single biggest flaw in the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) net zero transition is the failure to include a feasibility analysis.   I agree with Francis Menton, the Manhattan Contrarian, that the ultimate test would be a demonstration project to determine the feasibility of a fully wind/solar/battery electric generation system.  This post describes a series of articles by Ed A. Reid, Jr. at the Right Insight blog describing what he believes should be included in a grid-scale demonstration project.

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation. 

The Problem

In my opinion a feasibility analysis that addresses reliability, affordability, and cumulative environmental impacts should be a prerequisite for the proposed changes to the New York energy plan.  State leaders claim that the Scoping Plan is sufficient, but I disagree.  The Scoping Plan lists various control strategies that it claims meets the Climate Act requirements but no where does it document the expected costs, emission reductions, and assumption for the components of the control strategies in sufficient detail to verify the total costs necessary to determine expected costs to New Yorkers.  It does not even include projected ratepayer costs or an affordability standard.  Even though Climate Action Council members claimed that the Scoping Plan adequately addressed reliability, and some went so far as to say that no new technology was needed, the reality is that the New York Independent System Operator (NYISO) has raised many unaddressed reliability issues.  Furthermore, the NYISO, the Integration Analysis and the New York State Public Service Commission (PSC) agree to the need to “identify innovative technologies to ensure reliability of a zero-emissions electric grid”.  The most recent cumulative environmental impact assessment does not include between 20% and 40% more onshore wind, about twice as much offshore wind, and over three times as much distributed and utility-scale solar projected in the Scoping Plan.  In addition, no previous cumulative environmental impact analysis considered the impacts of massive energy storage facilities or the “zero-carbon firm resource” that the Integrated Analysis presumes will be provided by hydrogen resources. 

The NYISO is responsible for keeping the lights on in New York.  They have a very sophisticated resource adequacy modeling process and are required to provide regular reliability assessments.  There are staff dedicated to addressing those requirements and I have a lot of respect for their skill and body of knowledge.  They have been analyzing the electric system for many years and have a great understanding of the current electric system.  However, I have enough modeling experience and background to still be skeptical that the existing resource adequacy process will be able to address all the inter-related components and unintended consequences of the transition to an electric system that relies on weather-dependent and inverter-based resources.  As a result, I worry that some combination of circumstances will occur that causes unexpected reactions that will result in blackouts despite their best efforts.  We know that an electric grid that relies on nuclear and hydro “zero-emissions” resources will work.  What is needed is a demonstration project that can be used to test whether wind, solar, and energy storage resources can work and refine the resource adequacy modeling to address those resources.

Reid’s Renewable Demonstration

Ed Reid agrees with this need and writes “I believe it is essential that at least one large scale demonstration of a completely freestanding renewable plus storage powered grid be conducted under carefully controlled conditions.”  Even if such a project was implemented, he points out an important caveat: the long duration storage or alternative “zero-carbon firm resource” cannot be tested because neither resource is currently commercially available.

He proposes a demonstration for a selected zone within the grid. His proposal would only consider sources within the zone isolated from external sources of power and incorporate storage initially using “pseudo-storage” by tracking exports from the isolated zone and what is needed from outside the isolated zone. He suggests an iterative development process whereby:

The demonstration managers would be able to import electricity from external sources if required to avoid demonstration grid failure but would then be required to install additional generation capacity or contract for more pseudo-storage to avoid a repeat of the imminent grid failure condition. The demonstration managers should not be permitted to deliver electricity outside the demonstration zone, other than to pseudo-storage.

His first demonstration project article concludes:

It might be ideal to site the demonstration zone in the metropolitan Washington, DC area to assist agencies of the federal government and federal legislators to understand the various issues with a renewable plus storage grid in real time and work to resolve them in a timely fashion.

In the next article Reid argues that transparency should be a key component of the demonstration.  He proposes that the first step be complete documentation describing the generation and energy storage resources within the demonstration zone.  He goes on to explain:

The next step in the process would be the initial design of the renewable plus storage system to replace the existing conventional, dispatchable fossil generation resources. This would include designation of the types and capacities of the wind and solar generators, plus designation of the capacities and delivery rates of short, intermediate and long duration storage to be installed or simulated by pseudo-storage.

After a period of testing, the wind, solar, and energy storage resources “would be used to meet the contemporaneous demand of the grid and to charge both actual and pseudo-storage”.  The reporting system would track all the generation and energy usage.  He suggests that in order to address the affordability component that “all renewable generation and storage resources installed in the demonstration zone be capitalized at their full cost, with no federal or state incentives of any kind”.  

Market costs also must be tracked. 

He concludes the second article:

These approaches to the demonstration should assure that the demonstration zone facilities would be designed to be a reliable and flexible renewable electric system and that the electricity costs in the demonstration zone would representative of a renewable plus storage grid on a national scale.      

The third article suggests a reporting format for the renewable plus storage demonstration proposed.  If you are interested in those details, I refer you to the article.

The fourth article raises an important point about the ultimate viability of renewable energy plus storage electric system.  Climate Act accounting requirements mandate that fossil-fired generating resources include upstream emissions.  Reid points out that a true “zero-emissions” electric system should also eliminate emissions in the supply chain.  He argues:

The supply chain begins with the use of electric mining equipment to mine the raw materials required to fabricate the wind, solar and storage components of the renewable plus storage grid in US mines and the use of electric transportation to move these raw materials to the manufacturing facilities at which the components of the system would be fabricated. The fabrication of the components would occur in US plants using electric processing equipment.

The steel and cement required for installation of the system components would also be produced in US plants. In the case of the calcining of limestone to produce cement, carbon capture and storage (CCS) systems would be required to capture the CO2 released from the limestone.

Preparation of the installation sites for the wind and solar generators and the storage systems would be performed by US manufactured electric earthmoving equipment. The system components would be transported to the installation sites by US manufactured electric trucks or electrified trains and erected using US manufactured electric cranes.

Considering supply chain emissions introduces much more complexity.  He argues that all the claims about clean energy job creation ignore the current reality that the “current supply chains for wind turbines, solar collectors and storage batteries, all of which currently require mining and processing of minerals in Asia and Africa and frequently rely on foreign manufacture, particularly of solar collectors and wind turbines” has many jobs outside of the United States.  My concern is that it is not only the jobs but also there are lower environmental and safety considerations.  Finally, there is a moral aspect because the “mining and processing jobs in Asia and Africa and the manufacturing jobs in Asia reputedly rely on child, forced and prison labor”.

Conclusion

I think there is a clear need for a feasibility demonstration project.  Attempting to convert the current electric system that has evolved over decades to a system relying on significantly different resources by 2040 is such an enormous challenge that I think it is inappropriate to rely on modeling to check feasibility.  Reid describes a feasibility demonstration on a utility-scale.  Menton has argued for a smaller project:

Before embarking on “net zero” for a billion people, how about trying it out in a place with, say, 10,000, or 50,000, or 100,000 people.  See if it can actually work, and how much it will cost.  Then, if it works at reasonable cost, start expanding it.

While there are some large jurisdictions that have achieved very low-carbon grids, they did not do so by relying on underperforming intermittent wind and solar generation.  Instead, they achieved low emissions by using high-capacity-factor firm resources—namely hydropower and nuclear. To my knowledge no jurisdiction has demonstrated the ability to achieve “zero-emissions” using wind, solar, and energy storage.  Ideally a large-scale test such as the one proposed by Reid should be done before New York goes any further.  However, I think that even the small-scale demonstration proposed by Menton would show that the Climate Act “zero-emissions” electric system is infeasible on reliability and affordability grounds.

I believe that the fatal flaw of all “green” technologies is that they do not work all the time.  “On average”, “in general”, or for “many people”, it may be possible to argue that electric vehicles, heat pumps, or renewable generation technologies are feasible.  However, when the criteria are raised to include 24-7, 365 reliability and overall affordability with all the hidden costs included, then these technologies fail to deliver.  The only way I will be convinced otherwise is if there is a demonstration project that proves otherwise.

America’s Largest-Ever Investment in Renewable Energy

On October 24, 2023, Governor Kathy Hochul announced “the largest state investment in renewable energy in United States history” including three offshore wind and 22 land-based renewable energy projects “totaling 6.4 gigawatts of clean energy, enough to power 2.6 million New York homes and deliver approximately 12 percent of New York’s electricity needs once completed.” These projections are needed to implement the New York Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act).  This post looks behind the hype and what it really means.

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation and legislation.  In addition, New York must contract with developers to provide the enormous wind and solar resources necessary for a zero-emission grid.

If it’s failing, double down

One of the rules Irina Slav  argues that the net-zero transition leadership climate crusaders follow is  “If it’s failing, double down”.  New York’s transition has not reached the point where we have performance data that shows that renewables cannot deliver the promises of Climate Act advocates.  However, Hochul’s announcement for more new contracted projects when existing projects under development have begged for renegotiation  is a perfect example of this rule.

In mid-October the Public Service Commission denied requests by European energy firms Orsted, Equinor, BP and other renewable developers to charge customers billions of dollars more under future power sale contracts for four offshore wind and 86 land-based renewable projects.  “These projects must be financially sustainable to proceed,” Molly Morris, president of Equinor Renewables Americas, told Reuters, noting Equinor and BP will “assess the impact of the state’s decision on these projects.”   Soon thereafter Governor Hochul announced a “10-Point Action Plan to Expand the Renewable Energy Industry and Support High-Quality Clean Jobs in New York State”.  A couple of weeks later New York State Energy Research & Development Authority (NYSERDA)  described  what was included in the doubling down “largest-ever investment in renewable energy”.  According to the announcement, “Three offshore wind and 22 land-based renewable energy projects totaling 6.4 gigawatts will power 2.6 million New York homes and deliver 12% of New York’s electricity needs in 2030”.  This post unpacks these claims and looks at the projects themselves.

Offshore Wind Projects

The NYSERDA offshore wind project page describes the results of NYSERDA’s third competitive offshore wind solicitation:

NYSERDA provisionally awarded three projects totaling 4,032 MW, enough to power 2 million homes: Attentive Energy One (developed by TotalEnergies, Rise Light & Power, and Corio Generation), Community Offshore Wind (developed by RWE Offshore Renewables and National Grid Ventures), and Excelsior Wind (developed by Vineyard Offshore).

There is no question that this project award is a key component of the net-zero transition.  One of the legal mandates of the Climate Act is 9,000 MW of offshore wind by 2035.  The Scoping Plan Integration Analysis projects offshore wind capacity of 6,200 MW by 2030 and 9,000 MW by 2035. The capacity in these projects is 45% of the mandate.  NYSERDA claims these projects are supposed to provide about ten percent of New York’s electricity load, but I estimate that the energy produced is closer to 9% in 2030.

The Solicitation Awards Fact Sheet explains that the combined portfolio of projects is expected to:

  • Generate enough renewable, locally-produced energy to power more than 2 million homes, or approximately 10 percent of New York’s electricity load.
  • Deliver $3.4 billion in commitments to Disadvantaged Communities, in alignment with New York’s Climate Act goals.
  • Contribute more than $85 million to support wildlife and fisheries research, mitigation, and enhancement.
  • Deliver over $100 million to training New York’s workforce to build and service offshore wind projects.
  • Commit nearly $300 million to Minority and Women Owned Business Enterprises (MWBEs) and Service-Disabled Veteran Owned Businesses (SDVOBs).
  • Reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 7 million metric tons annually, the equivalent of taking over 1.6 million cars off the road every year.
  • Provide billions of dollars in public health benefits resulting from reduced exposure to harmful pollutants—including fewer episodes of illness and premature death, fewer days of school or work missed, less disruption of business, and lower health care costs.
  • Commit to purchase more than $500 million in U.S. iron and steel and to include Project Labor Agreements, labor peace agreements, and prevailing wages.

The expectations for these projects cover a wide range of benefits to favored constituencies.  The Climate Act mandates that at least 35% of the investments support Disadvantaged Communities but just how that is calculated is unresolved.  I worry that funding the transition is going to be expensive enough without diluting the efficiency with this type of mandate.  I wish I could say that the $85 million to support wildlife and fisheries research will cover the costs to monitor the effect of construction on whales but I am not optimistic that will be the case.  There is no question that the trades workforce has to be expanded for all the construction projects, but I am not sure throwing money at it is going to create incentives for people to choose those careers.  The money towards specific businesses is transparent pandering to a political constituency and increases the difficulties of the transition. NYSERDA claims 7 million metric tons of reductions per year, but I estimate 3.9 million metric tons.  The claim for billions of public health benefits does not stand up to scrutiny.  The final $500 million commitment is another transparent appeal to a political constituency, this time organized labor.

The NYSERDA 2022 solicitation page provides information about costs to New Yorkers:

All three projects are anticipated to enter commercial operation by 2030. The average bill impact for customers over the life of the projects will be approximately 2.73 percent, or about $2.93 per month. The weighted average strike price of the awarded offshore wind projects over the life of the contracts is $96.72 per megawatt hour in 2023 (real) dollars, which equates to a nominal weighted average strike price of $145.07 per megawatt hour. The strike prices comprising the weighted average cited above are subject to certain adjustments in accordance with the terms of the awarded contracts, including, in some cases, adjustments based on certain price indices, interconnection costs and/or receipt of qualifying federal support.

The $2.93 for these offshore wind resources needed for the net-zero transition does not tell the whole cost impact story.  The Hochul Administration has not owned up to the costs for all the other offshore projects, or the costs for the onshore wind resources, solar energy resources, the energy storage resources, and the dispatchable emissions-free resources that make up the supply component of future electric bills.  Nor have they explained the cost impacts on the delivery component costs of future electric bills that will be needed to pay for the transmission and distribution electric system upgrades needed to get the renewable energy where it is needed. 

The offshore wind industry is new and requires development of infrastructure and supply chain support.  The announcement also includes this: 

Delivering on Governor Hochul’s commitment to make New York State a hub for the U.S. offshore wind supply chain, this procurement includes continued support for offshore wind turbine manufacturing, which leverages over $2 in privately committed capital for every $1 of New York public funding.

NYSERDA is also awarding $300 million in state investment to enable the development of two supply chain facilities including nacelle manufacturing and assembly by GE Vernova, along with blade manufacturing developed by LM Wind Power Blades USA, both planned for New York’s Capital Region. This investment has the capacity to supply almost one-third of the total regional demand for offshore wind by 2035, which will unlock $968 million in public and private funding, create 1,700 direct and indirect jobs backed by prevailing wage and project labor agreements, and result in over $3 billion in direct spending in the State. Additionally, these projects also align with available federal tax credits, enabling future savings to New York’s ratepayers.

This is another buried cost of the Climate Act transition.  They brag that they are leveraging over $2 in privately committed capital for every $1 of New York public funding.  I see that as a 33% subsidy.  The rest of the discussion is another example of political pandering.

New York’s Land-Based Renewable Energy Procurement

The NYSERDA announcement also described other projects included in the procurement:

In addition, New York also announced its latest round of conditional land-based large-scale renewable awards, which are comprised of 14 new solar projects, six wind repowering projects, one new wind project, and one return-to-service hydroelectric project, totaling a combined 2,410 megawatts – enough new renewable generation to power over 560,000 New York homes annually for at least 20 years. These projects are expected to spur over $4 billion in direct investments and create over 4,100 good-paying short- and long-term jobs across New York State.

As shown in the following table there are four sets of projects in the procurement.  There are 14 solar projects totaling 1,495 MW, six wind project repowering projects totaling 612 MW, a new 298 MW wind project, and a 5 MW hydropower project.

The Large-scale Renewables 2022 Renewable Energy Standard Solicitation summary states:

NYSERDA awarded 22 large-scale renewable energy projects from the 2022 Renewable Energy Standard solicitation. The awarded projects are located throughout New York, including one paired with a utility-scale energy storage facility. Planned to be operational by 2028, these projects are expected to spur over $4 billion of direct investment and will create more than 4,100 short- and long-term jobs in development, construction, and operations and maintenance. Payments under these awards will not commence until projects have begun commercial operation after having obtained all required permits and local approvals.

The description of these projects leaves out some relevant points.  These awards do not guarantee the projects will be built because not all the projects have completed applications and given the volatility of the supply chains and inflation the developers may decide not to proceed if they think they cannot make money.  All these are intermittent sources and require energy storage to guarantee that the energy can be used when it is needed.  Of the total of 2,410 MW proposed the only energy storage facility included is only for 20 MW capacity and I could not find out how much energy (MW-hours) were planned.  Somebody else is going to have to subsidize these projects for the energy storage necessary to keep the lights on.  The description talks about the direct investments and job creation but neglects to point out that the largest solar project is not in New York State so the job creation does not accrue to New York.

The Solicitation summary goes on to claim:

As these projects proceed, NYSERDA will continue to work with their developers, other State agencies, and stakeholders to preserve and protect New York’s valuable agricultural and environmental resources as part of the project development process. Once operational, these projects will add 2,410 megawatts of new renewable capacity and are expected to generate enough clean energy to power more than 560,000 homes each year and reduce carbon emissions by more than 2 million metric tons annually, the equivalent to taking over 440,000 cars off the road every year.

The claim that NYSERDA will work with the developers to “preserve and protect New York’s valuable agricultural and environmental resources as part of the project development process is a hollow gesture.  As I have said many times there is no implementation plan that formally protects those resources and until a plan that explicitly protects farmland and cumulative environmental resources is implemented this is all just talk.  My estimate of the carbon dioxide reduction is consistent with the 2 million metric ton projection.  Finally, note that these projects will provide 3.1% of the expected load in 2030.

Finally, the cost impacts are described:

The average bill impact for customers over the life of the projects will be approximately 0.31 percent, or about $0.32 per month. The weighted average strike price of the awarded projects over the life of the contracts is $60.93 per megawatt hour in 2023 (real) dollars, which equates to a nominal weighted average strike price of $80.96 per megawatt hour. The strike prices comprising the weighted averages cited above are subject to certain adjustments in accordance with the terms of the awarded contracts based on certain price indices

There is a ramification of the six wind repowering projects that affect 612 MW of capacity.  All six projects came online in 2008.  I found a description that said:

Operational since 2009, Altona Wind is a project to which AES is excited to bring new life. The repowering of the wind park will incorporate significant component and control systems replacement with design improvements, resulting in greater energy production and improved energy reliability and availability. Repowering will ensure continued, significant economic benefits to the local community via HCA (Host Community Agreements) and PILOT (Payments in Lieu of Taxes) agreements.

This is notable because the Integration Analysis did not retire any of the existing wind resources in its projections.  It appears that the total costs out to 2050 should include repowering costs every 15 to 20 years.  The failure to incorporate that nuance means that the cost projections that NYSERDA claims show that benefits outweigh the costs are biased low.

Conclusion

The political theater associated with the “largest state investment in renewable energy in United States history” hides real problems. My experience with every aspect of the Climate Act is that detailed examination uncovers more uncertainty related to reliability.  A key consideration renewable resources is energy storage but only one of the 22 projects included any energy storage (20 MW of storage to 2,410 MW of generating capacity with no estimate of energy ,MWh, storage capability). There is no feasibility analysis that demonstrates that the current approach will work.  Instead, the only plan appears to be contract for as many resources as possible and hope it all works.  Coupled with the aspects of the transition plan that are designed to appeal to particular political constituencies regardless of their effectiveness relative to the transition, this approach is doomed.

My other concern is costs.  To their credit the announcements did include an expected cost to consumers totaling $3.25 per month for 12% of the energy needs in 2030. Assuming the costs for the remaining energy needs are the same, the increase in costs jumps to over $27 per month just for energy supply.  The Hochul Administration has never provided all the costs to consumers for the Climate Act or provided details of the costs and expected emission reductions associated with the Scoping Plan control strategies.  I have found that the Integration Analysis used to develop the Scoping Plan assumed that renewable development costs would decrease over time.  Recent events have shown that is not happening.  In addition, the fact that a renewable developer has a contract to repower wind turbines demonstrates that the Integration Analysis presumption that replacements out to 2050 were not needed is wrong.  Therefore, the costs will be much higher than claimed.

Despite the lack of a feasibility analysis and the flawed cost estimates the Hochul Administration is racing ahead doubling down that someday the reliability issues will be resolved and the costs will fall.  I think the New York electric system is headed to a reliability and affordability crisis.

City & State’s Clean Energy Summit

I attended City & State’s Clean Energy in New York Summit – New York’s Path to Sustainability (the “Summit”) on November 16, 2023 with Francis Menton author of the Manhattan Contrarian blog.  The summit was organized “to discuss opportunities that NY’s ambitious energy strategy created for new investment” and the two of us were the only ones who were skeptical of the whole business.  This post compares Menton’s description of the meeting and the “official” description with my personal observations.

The only reason for the Summit is the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act).  I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation. 

According to their webpage, “City & State is the premier media organization dedicated to covering New York’s local and state politics and policy. Our in-depth, non-partisan coverage serves New York’s leaders every day as a trusted guide to the issues impacting New York.” The Summit was billed as: their “first ever Clean Energy in NY Summit to discuss opportunities that NY’s ambitious energy strategy created for new investment.”  The description went on: “Panels will focus on large-scale renewable projects; the future of large-scale renewable procurement activity both onshore and offshore; the financial incentives to develop resources in vulnerable communities; as well as the emerging activity in hydrogen hubs, transportation decarbonization, and the state’s very active storage procurement market.”  In my opinion “non-partisan” coverage would make a concerted attempt to balance the enthusiasm of proponents of the new investment with some recognition of the challenges of the proposed transition but there were very few of that type of questions for the panelists.

I characterize this as a pep rally for the true believers and climate grifter industry.  The slick booklet containing the program for the Summit outlined the program, included speaker biographies, and included advertising blurbs for the sponsors.  A comparison of the sponsors and participant panelists, moderators, and remarks made by sponsors confirms that participants were chosen mostly based on sponsorship.  Ony the New York State Laborers Union, Anbaric transmission developers, and the New York renewable trade group Alliance for Clean Energy Solutions New York sponsors did not participate in the Summit.  The remaining participants were from New York State agencies, New York City agencies, other renewable developers, media representatives, or politicians.

This post will describe the “official” version of the meeting with Menton’s description and my thoughts.

City & State Overview

The meeting program had a keynote address and five panels.  The panels included “New York’s Path to Achieve its Clean Energy Goals”, Leading the Way in Offshore Wind”, “Achieving Climate Smart Communities”, “New York’s Energy: Impact, Economic Development + Workforce”, and “Protecting New York from Climate Threats and Reducing Carbon Emissions”.  There were four opportunities for “remarks” that gave the sponsors an opportunity to give their spiels and an inordinate amount of time was spent going over the panelist backgrounds.  As as a result there was little meat in the panel discussions.

The City & State description of the meeting gives a good flavor of the meeting.  The article states:

Clint Plummer, the CEO of Rise Light & Power, led off the discussion on the city’s clean energy transition efforts by addressing Gov. Kathy Hochul’s 10-point action plan to tackle inflationary pressures on project implementation. “The administration of Gov. Kathy Hochul implemented a 10-point plan in which they are delivering on New York’s transition with major new clean energy projects and investments in the supply chain,” he said. “So we not only are able to deliver projects today, but we do it with jobs that are based right here in New York state. And we do it in a way that mitigates against the volatility of the global supply chain.”

A truly non-partisan summit would have raised questions about these claims.  There was very little discussion of the magnitude of the issues mentioned.  For example, the Rise Light & Power business model is to offer everything that superficially meets the net-zero transition resource development narrative that fits its business model and ignore all the other resources necessary for a reliable electric grid as somebody else’s problem.  His comments check all the boxes for the Hochul Administration narrative but did little else.

When he introduced Doreen Harris, he said there is “nobody I trust more” to lead the transition.  After watching the net-zero transition roll out over the last several years, I have the exact opposite view. She claimed that there is a plan for implementation, but the Scoping Plan is only a list of control strategies with no demonstration of feasibility.  She also referenced the 10-point plan saying: “Talk about a major commitment to clean energy that was made at a moment in which we need to demonstrate that commitment to action.”  She went on:

With investments in renewable infrastructure rising, Harris also addressed concerns over existing contracts. “The elephant in the room is what is going to happen with the existing contracts that we have,” she said. “I want you to know, very soon, you will see some next steps we’ll be taking to address the ultimate challenges that they face. The Public Service Commission’s denial of the industry petitions is one that we obviously reacted very quickly to, knowing that we need these projects to move forward, not only in an affordable way, but in a competitive way.”

Her reference to doing something very soon was the announcement later that day that the existing contracts would be put out to be re-bid.  I described this in a recent post concluding that allowing the contact costs to be revised guarantees that the costs will be increased substantially.  The primary reason I distrust Harris is her claim to be concerned about affordability because under her oversight of the Scoping Plan, there has not been a full accounting of costs, no admission of expected consumer costs, and no documentation of the current status of energy poverty in New York.  The only affordability response by Harris has been that the costs of inaction are more than the costs of action, which I have repeatedly shown is a misleading and inaccurate claim both in Scoping Plan comments that were never addressed and in articles on my blog.

Manhattan Contrarian Description

Francis Menton did not pull any punches describing his thoughts on the Summit.  I encourage everyone to read his account.  He correctly points out that none of the substantive issues associated with the net-zero transition were mentioned, much less considered.  He says it was “essentially all mindless happy talk.” 

Menton highlights the happy talk slogans that were used frequently by all the speakers. He provided some quotes by Gregory Lampman, the Director of Offshore Wind at NYSERDA.  (“We’re the leader. . . .  We have a bias toward action. . . .  long term sustainability . . . something we can be proud of”).  My notes include the following from John O’Leary of the Governor’s Office: “laboratory for democracy”, “pivotal moment in time”, and “confidence in ability to move forward”.  These kinds of comments were the rule and not the exception.

My Observations

One aspect of the keynote presentation by Harris annoyed me but also led to the only positive aspect of any the panelist’s remarks.  NYSERDA has a whole department dedicated to public presentations and press releases all of which must be approved by the Hochul Administration.  The keynote presentation threw in the line “Who doesn’t love heat pumps” which drew applause and, to his ever-lasting credit, boos from Francis Menton. I was encouraged later in the program when Carrie Woerner, an assemblywoman from Glens Falls, managed to respond to the implication that heat pumps are a universal solution with no down sides. She basically quoted material from the James Hanley heat pump article about costs and the likelihood that people will switch to resistance furnaces instead of heat pumps because of the cost. 

I took a bunch of notes, but it would be a waste of time to bother to document all the biased comments, inaccurate arguments, and appeals to the preferred political constituencies during the day.  They far outweighed any mentions of potential concerns.  This was not an opportunity for the developers and affected entities to discuss possible problems and how they could be resolved.

Conclusion

Menton and I agree that this was nothing more than a revival meeting for the camp followers of the “clean energy miracle solution for the climate change threat” cult. I don’t think many outside the cult understand how immense the political support for this cult is and how the amount of money involved surely keeps the whole scam going. 

Menton concludes that:

It is completely clear that the people running New York’s supposed energy transition do not have the slightest hint of competence.  I suppose that’s for the better, because people who were actually competent could keep the charade going for a much longer time.  With this crowd, the collapse will come sooner, although not nearly soon enough.

I agree that this eventually has to collapse with or without competent advocates.  Unfortunately,  I fear that it will be so far in the future that the damages from the inane energy policy will cause irreparable harm to New York.

New York Ten Point Plan Contract Renegotiation

On October 6, 2023 the New York State Public Service Commission (PSC) turned down the request by renewable energy developers to renegotiate their contracts and there was a fleeting hope that New York State was coming to grips that there was a realization that the costs associated with the Climate Leadership & Community Protection Act (Climate Act) net zero transition could be prohibitive.  However, that hope was tempered on October 12, 2023 when Governor Hochul announced “the release of a new 10-Point Action Plan to expand and support the growing large-scale renewable energy industry in New York.”  On November 16, 2023, Hochul announced that the contracts for offshore wind and land-based renewable energy projects would be re-opened for adjustments on an expedited basis and any hope that affordability would actually be a consideration evaporated.  This post explains my concerns.

I have followed the Climate Act since it was first proposed, submitted comments on the Climate Act implementation plan, and have written over 350 articles about New York’s net-zero transition.  I have devoted a lot of time to the Climate Act because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that the net-zero transition will do more harm than good by increasing costs unacceptably, threatening electric system reliability, and causing significant unintended environmental impacts.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other organization I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Overview

The Climate Act established a New York “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050.  It includes an interim 2030 reduction target of a 40% reduction by 2030 and a requirement that all electricity generated be “zero-emissions” by 2040. The Climate Action Council (CAC) is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that outlines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda.”  In brief, that plan is to electrify everything possible using zero-emissions electricity. The Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants quantifies the impact of the electrification strategies.  That material was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan.  After a year-long review, the Scoping Plan recommendations were finalized at the end of 2022.  In 2023 the Scoping Plan recommendations are supposed to be implemented through regulation, PSC orders, and legislation.  The comments described follow a recent decision by the PSC to deny petitions seeking to amend contracts with renewable energy projects. 

My major concern with this issue is the impact on consumer prices.  Consumer electric prices are too complicated to fully explain here but there are two things to keep in mind.  In New York electric bills are separated into two components: ““supply” and “delivery”.  When the renewable energy costs are increased it will affect the supply component of utility bills.  The New York Independent System Operator (NYSISO) explains that “Household electricity bills include supply, transmission, distribution, and other charges approved by New York State. ‘Supply’ charges in a typical retail electric consumer bill reflect procurement costs that vary by utility and are influenced by the wholesale cost of producing electricity.”  The wholesale price is made up of multiple components and electricity costs will be directly affected by the renegotiation of renewable energy contracts but note that this price varies by region.  According to the Potomac Economics 2022 State of the Market Report for the New York ISO Markets, the average wholesale all-in price in 2022 averaged ~$70/MWh in Western and Central New York, ~$55/MWh in Northern New York, ~$110/MWh in the Capital region, ~$105/MWh in the Lower Hudson Valley and New York City, and ~$125/MWh on Long Island.

Request for Renewable Energy Contract Renegotiation

In June 2023 a group of offshore wind developers and a state renewable energy trade association sought to renegotiate their contracts requesting billions of dollars in additional funding from consumers for four proposed offshore wind projects and 86 land-based renewable projects. The developers claimed that “unexpected and unforeseeable rise in inflation and supply chain costs and constraints associated with, among other things, the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine.”  They also stated that the increased costs have eroded internal rates of return and have therefore caused many in-development projects with NYSERDA awards to no longer be economically viable under existing contract pricing terms.

On October 12, 2023 the Public Service Commission (PSC) turned down the request to address the cost issues explaining that they “opted to preserve the robust competitive bidding process that provides critically needed renewable energy resources to New York in the fairest and most cost-effective manner that protects consumers.”  Times Union writer Rick Karlin summarized:

At issue was a request in June by ACE NY, as well as Empire Offshore Wind LLC, Beacon Wind LLC, and Sunrise Wind LLC, which are putting up the offshore wind tower farms.

All told, the request, which was in the form of a filing before the PSC, represented four offshore wind projects totaling 4.2 gigawatts of power, five land-based wind farms worth 7.5 gigawatts and 81 large solar arrays.

All of these projects are underway but not completed. They have already been selected and are under contract with the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority, or NYSERDA, to help New York transition to a clean power grid, as called for in the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act, approved by the state Legislature and signed into law in 2019.

  • Developer response to the PSC decision suggested that “a number of planned projects will now be canceled, and their developers will try to rebid for a higher price at a later date — which will lead to delays in ushering in an era of green energy in New York”. Karlin also quotes Fred Zalcman, director of the New York Offshore Wind Alliance: “Today’s PSC decision denying relief to the portfolio of contracted offshore wind projects puts these projects in serious jeopardy.”

In my opinion, New York ratepayers dodged a bullet when these requests were turned down.  The Supplemental Comments of Multiple Intervenors and the Municipal Electric Utilities Association of New York State on the developer request for renegotiation found that “Using the changes in strike price presented in NYSERDA’s comments together with public information available in the OSW Petitioners’ respective OREC Agreements, it now appears that the OSW Petitioners collectively are requesting an additional $37.7 billion of customer funding above and beyond the value of their existing contracts (and excluding the relief requested in the petitions filed by ACENY, Clean Path NY, and CHPE)”. I excerpted estimates from Table 1. Estimated Cost Impact of Offshore Wind Petitions below.

Table 1. Estimated Cost Impact of Offshore Wind Petitions Excerpt

 OriginalAdjustedTotal
 Strike PriceStrike PriceIncremental
 ($/MWh)($/MWh)Cost ($)
Empire Wind 1$118.38$159.64$6,195,189,000
Empire Wind 2$107.50$177.84$13,382,065,422
Beacon Wind$118.00$190.82$14,461,855,386
Sunrise Wind$110.37$139.99$3,600,148,090

Note that the PSC decision to reject the requests was based on concerns related to the competitive bidding process and not the expected $37.7 billion increase in costs described here.

October Announcement

On October 24, 2023, Governor Hochul announced the results of NYSERDA’s third competitive renewable energy solicitation:

The conditional awards include three offshore wind and 22 land-based renewable energy projects totaling 6.4 gigawatts of clean energy, enough to power 2.6 million New York homes and deliver approximately 12 percent of New York’s electricity needs once completed. When coupled with two marquee offshore wind blade and nacelle manufacturing facilities, this portfolio of newly announced projects is expected to create approximately 8,300 family-sustaining jobs and spur $20 billion in economic development investments statewide, including developer-committed investments to support disadvantaged communities.  

For the offshore wind resources, NYSERDA provisionally awarded three projects totaling 4,032 MW, enough to power 2 million homes: Attentive Energy One (developed by Total Energies, Rise Light & Power, and Corio Generation), Community Offshore Wind (developed by RWE Offshore Renewables and National Grid Ventures), and Excelsior Wind (developed by Vineyard Offshore).  I found the following description of the expected bill impacts:

All three projects are anticipated to enter commercial operation by 2030. The average bill impact for customers over the life of the projects will be approximately 2.73 percent, or about $2.93 per month. The weighted average strike price of the awarded offshore wind projects over the life of the contracts is $96.72 per megawatt hour in 2023 (real) dollars, which equates to a nominal weighted average strike price of $145.07 per megawatt hour. The strike prices comprising the weighted average cited above are subject to certain adjustments in accordance with the terms of the awarded contracts, including, in some cases, adjustments based on certain price indices, interconnection costs and/or receipt of qualifying federal support.

Ten Point Plan

Within a week of the PSC decision to reject contract renegotiation, the Hochul Administration responded with a 10-Point Renewable Energy Action Plan to “expand the renewable energy industry and support high-quality jobs clean jobs in New York State”.  It included two actions directly related to the potential that these renewable projects could get cancelled.  The first action said that the New York State Research & Development Authority (NYSERDA) will “address the directives issued in the October 2023 Public Service Commission (PSC) Order and will assess the impacts on its large-scale renewables contracted portfolio in an expedited manner.”  The second action announced that:

NYSERDA will launch an accelerated renewable energy procurement process for both offshore and onshore renewable energy projects, aiming to backfill any contracted projects which are terminated. The process will be guided by core principles, including prioritizing competition, simplifying bid requirements, incorporating inflation indexing, applying critical labor protections, and collaborating with industry to optimize the accelerated procurement timing, all while coordinating with ongoing transmission planning initiatives.

Consistent with the ten point plan announcement, on November 16, 2023 Governor Kathy Hochul announced that “expedited offshore wind and land-based renewable energy solicitations as part of New York’s 10-Point Action Plan to bolster its growing large-scale renewable industry.”   The new requests for proposals will be released on November 30, 2023, with bids due in January 2024. The new solicitation will be open to all bidders, including those with existing contracts. This would allow the companies to re-offer their planned projects at higher prices and exit their old contracts. In my opinion, I believe every developer will go back out seeking a contract that increases their payouts so we may not have dodged the bullet.

United Kingdom Offshore Wind

In the United Kingdom there is annual auction for companies hoping to build big offshore windfarms which awards contracts to generate renewable electricity for 15 years at a set price.  The starting price for this year’s auction was set at £44 per MWh ($54.81 per MWh) but no one submitted bids.  According to the Guardian:

The companies had warned ministers repeatedly that the auction price was set too low for offshore windfarms to take part after costs in the sector soared by about 40% because of inflation across their supply chains.

The UK Government recently increased the strike price for the next auction to £73 per MWh ($90.93), up 66%.  Energy Security Secretary Claire Coutinho said: 

The UK is home to the world’s five largest offshore wind farms projects.  Today we have started the process of our latest Contracts for Difference auction for renewables, opening in March next year.  We recognise that there have been global challenges in this sector and our new annual auction allows us to reflect this.  This is a vital part of our plan to have enough homegrown clean energy, bringing bills down for families and strengthening our energy independence.

I think there are two points to consider from this The first is that there is no assurance that the 67% increase is enough to get developers to bid. The second is that New York developers are under the same pressures so the projected offshore wind cost decreases included in the Climate Action Plan are unlikely.

Discussion

I recognize that the Climate Act mandates the net-zero transition, but I do not believe that means that the transition is unconditional.  I am very disappointed that the Hochul Administration has not made the expected net-zero transition costs transparent and established affordability thresholds.  In the absence of that guidance, the PSC should define their expectations for rates that are just and reasonable.  The PSC Order Denying Petitions Seeking to Amend Contracts with Renewable Energy Projects suggested that there are affordability conditions that must be considered.  On page 39 of this order, it states:

We recognize that PSL §66-p(2) adds the pursuit of the 70 by 2030 and Zero Emissions by 2040 Targets to the Commission’s obligations but do not read the provisions of the more recent statute as superseding the Commission’s longstanding mandate to ensure that rates are just and reasonable. There is no indication in the statutory language or history that the legislature intended such a result, which could have the undesirable effect of driving ratepayer costs so high as to put the entire program at risk. To the contrary, the legislature provided the Commission with significant discretion under PSL §66-p(2) regarding how to establish the program to implement the 70 by 2030 and Zero Emissions by 2040 Targets by authorizing the Commission to “address impacts of the program on safe and adequate electric service in the state under reasonably foreseeable conditions,” as well as to “modify the obligations of jurisdictional load serving entities and/or the targets” based on consideration of such factors.

In addition, I believe that another provision of New York Public Service Law  § 66-p. “Establishment of a renewable energy program” includes safety valve conditions.  Section §66-p (4) states “The commission may temporarily suspend or modify the obligations under such program provided that the commission, after conducting a hearing as provided in section twenty of this chapter, makes a finding that the program impedes the provision of safe and adequate electric service; the program is likely to impair existing obligations and agreements; and/or that there is a significant increase in arrears or service disconnections that the commission determines is related to the program”.  The reference to a significant increase in arrears or service disconnections clearly is an implied affordability requirement.

Conclusion

The most recent information on the cost of offshore wind raises legitimate cost concerns.  Offshore wind is expected to provide 9% of the generating capacity and 14% of the electric energy produced by 2030 but at what cost?  The average bill impact for the recently announced offshore wind projects is $2.93 per month.  I project that when the original four offshore wind projects get new contracts it will add another $3.60 to consumer bills.  The $6.53 for the offshore wind resources needed for the net-zero transition does not include the costs for the onshore wind resources, solar energy resources, the energy storage resources, and the dispatchable emissions-free resources that make up the supply component of future electric bills.  It also does not include the delivery component costs of future electric bills that will be needed to pay for the transmission and distribution electric system upgrades.  The Propel NY transmission line recently approved to get 3,000 MW of offshore wind into the New York grid is expected to cost $3.28 billion.  That is just the start of those costs. In addition, consumers will be expected to pay to electrify their home heating, cooking, and hot water systems and purchase electric vehicles. 

Governor Hochul recently said. “We remain committed in powering our state with affordable, zero-emission and reliable electricity.”  Her Administration has yet to document the expected costs of the net-zero transition to consumers or detail the total expected costs.  In order for New Yorkers to test her commitment for affordable electricity, I think it is well past time that the numbers are provided so that we can decide whether the costs are in fact affordable ourselves.  I have no doubt that her idea of “affordable” and mine are not the same.

My fleeting hope that the Hochul Administration had realized that the costs of the net-zero transition are going to be unsustainable when the PSC refused to renegotiate renewable energy contracts has been dashed.  Last week’s announcement that the contracts would be re-opened so that the contact costs can be revised guarantees that the costs will be increased substantially.