Climate Act Draft Scoping Plan Benefits Comment

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) has a legal mandate for New York State greenhouse gas emissions to meet the ambitious net-zero goal by 2050.  This article describes the comments that I submitted addressing all the alleged benefits claimed in the Draft Scoping Plan.

Everyone wants to do right by the environment to the extent that they can afford to and not be unduly burdened by the effects of environmental policies.  I have written extensively on implementation of New York’s response to that risk because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that it will adversely affect reliability, impact affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, and will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York.  New York’s Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions are less than one half one percent of global emissions and since 1990 global GHG emissions have increased by more than one half a percent per year.  Moreover, the reductions cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   This page documents all the comments that I submitted as part of the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act implementation process. The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Climate Act Background

The Climate Act establishes a “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050. The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  They were assisted by Advisory Panels who developed and presented strategies to the meet the goals to the Council.  Those strategies were used to develop the integration analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants that quantified the impact of the strategies.  That material was used to write Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment at the end of 2021. The Climate Action Council will revise the Draft Scoping Plan based on comments and other expert input in 2022 with the goal to finalize the Scoping Plan by the end of the year.

Comments

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act Scoping Plan claims that “The cost of inaction exceeds the cost of action by more than $90 billion”.   However, the benefit claims are poorly documented, misleading and the largest benefit is dependent upon an incorrect application of the value of carbon.  My comments address the Scoping Plan benefit claims and explain how the value of carbon is used incorrectly.

The Scoping Plan claims net benefits range from $90 billion to $120 billion. The Plan describes health benefits totaling $165 to $170 billion due to improvements in air quality, increased active transportation ($39.5 billion), and energy efficiency interventions in LMI homes ($8.7 billion).  The benefit claims are not documented well enough to confirm those estimates but they appear to be biased high.  The claimed benefits for the avoided cost of GHG emissions range between $235 and $250 billion.  However, Climate Act guidance incorrectly calculates avoided GHG emissions benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  If the multiple-counting error is corrected, the avoided carbon damage benefits range from negative $74.5 to negative $49.5 billion.  These errors should be corrected in the Final Scoping Plan.

The Scoping Plan air quality improvement benefits range between $100 billion and $103 billion for the low values and the high values range between $165 billion and $172 billion.  These benefits are due to an air quality improvement for PM2.5 of 0.35 µg/m3 that is supposed to “avoid tens of thousands of premature deaths, thousands of non-fatal heart attacks, thousands of other hospitalizations, thousands of asthma-related emergency room visits, and hundreds of thousands of lost workdays”. However, the modeled impacts rely on a linear no-threshold model.  The observed PM2.5 reduction in New York City since 2005-2007 is 5.6 µg/m3 and that is 16 times higher than the projected decrease due to the Climate Act.  Using the linear no-threshold model that means that we should be able to observe sixteen times tens of thousands of premature deaths, sixteen times thousands of non-fatal heart attacks, sixteen times thousands of other hospitalizations, sixteen times thousands of asthma-related emergency room visits, and sixteen times hundreds of thousands of lost workdays.  When the Climate Action Council and Final Scoping Plan verifies that these reductions have been observed I will accept these benefits.

The Scoping Plan admits that the health benefits from increased active transportation “should be considered a first-order approximation of the benefits of increased active transportation”.  The active transportation health theory claims that as people are forced out of their personal vehicles some will switch to walking and biking.  Those activities are healthier so there is a benefit.  However, the analysis was conducted at the state level, rather than modeling changes in walking and biking activity due to changes in vehicle miles traveled within counties or individual communities.  Because the actual number of places where this strategy could actually encourage more walking and bicycling to work is small relative to the state as a whole, the $39.5 billion health benefit claim is far too high.  The Final Scoping Plan active transportation benefits should be revised to take into account the number of places where this might work.

The majority of the health benefits from energy efficiency interventions in Low and Middle Income (LMI) homes are the result of “non-energy interventions”.  The Climate Act intends to transform the energy sector so it is disingenuous to claim health benefits not directly related to energy efficiency programs themselves.  Of the $8.7 billion in benefits claimed $3 billion is due to reduction in asthma-related incidents resulting from better ventilation not directly due to energy efficiency.  The $2.4 billion in benefits from reduced trip or fall injuries and reduced carbon monoxide poisoning benefits are non-energy interventions and should not be claimed as benefits for GHG emission reduction programs.  The “non-energy interventions” benefits should not be included in the Final Scoping Plan.

The Scoping Plan claims that 2020-2050 societal benefits are greater than societal costs by between $90 and $120 billion.  The largest proposed benefits come from avoided GHG emission impacts on climate change due to emission reductions.  The Climate Act Scoping Plan manipulates the emissions, the emissions accounting, and calculation of social cost of carbon benefits to inflate these benefits to claim that there are net benefits.  In order to maximize the benefits from emission reductions the Scoping Plan uses non-conventional assumptions to contrive increased emission estimates that are 1.9 times higher in 1990 and 2.3 times higher in 2019 than conventional, or UNFCCC, format for emissions accounting used by other jurisdictions.  New York’s Value of Carbon guidance chooses a lower discount rate that places lower value on immediate benefits relative to higher delayed benefits received in the future.  The combined effect of the higher emissions and lower discount rate means that New York’s societal benefits of GHG emission reductions are 4.5 times higher for 1990 emissions and 5.4 times higher for 2019 emissions than other jurisdictions.  Most importantly, it is inappropriate to claim the benefits of an annual reduction of a ton of greenhouse gas over any lifetime or to compare it with avoided emissions. The Value of Carbon guidance incorrectly calculates benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.  Using that trick and the other manipulations results in New York societal benefits more than 21 times higher than benefits using everybody else’s methodology. When the over-counting error is corrected, the total societal benefits range between negative $74.5 billion and negative $49.5 billion.  The Final Scoping Plan should only take credit for societal climate change benefits based on total emission reductions from the baseline, the maximum observed total emissions or the most recent total emissions.

Conclusion

If anyone wants an example of a report that was written to justify a politically driven preconceived notion the Draft Scoping Plan fits the bill.  No where is this more evident in the cost-benefit analysis that had to show that the plan would have benefits greater than the costs.  The costs are poorly documented but it is still obvious that overt manipulation was used to claim lower costs in many ways.  Furthermore, the costs are presented relative to a Reference Case that does not represent business-as-usual per usual practice.  Instead, the Reference Case includes programs that even they are already implemented would not be considered were it not for the Climate Act.

The benefits assessment is nearly as bad.  While it is common practice to claim health benefits to air quality improvements no one has validated the methodology used by comparing health outcomes with the significant air quality improvements observed since the 1990 Clean Air Act.  The benefits analysis also claims benefits because people will walk more when they take away personal transportation options.  In a desperate attempt to find benefits for low and middle-income communities they included “non-energy interventions” benefits which clearly is outside the scope of Draft Scoping Plan implementation strategies.

The largest of the so-called benefits comes from the reduction of societal impacts when New York greenhouse gas emissions are reduced.  New York has a unique accounting system enshrined in the Climate Act law by politicians who had no idea of the implications.  Even though the machinations project benefits multiple times greater than other jurisdictions it was still not enough to get the benefits large enough to out-weigh the costs.  The Draft Scoping Plan incorrectly calculates the societal benefits by applying the value of an emission reduction multiple times.   If you lost five pounds five years ago you cannot claim that you lost 25 pounds but that is what the Draft Scoping Plan is doing. 

Worst of all is that the Climate Action Council propaganda is working.  I see many reports that reference the claim that the cost of inaction exceeds the cost of action by more than $90 billion.   That claim is simply not true.  The benefits are imaginary but the costs will be real.

Climate Action Council Meeting 5/26/22: Perception of Public Hearing Comments

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) has a legal mandate for New York State greenhouse gas emission reductions to do “something” about climate change.  This post describes a recent meeting of the Climate Action Council that is charged with developing a plan to meet the goals established in the Climate Act.  In particular, I address the remarks made by the members of the Council relative to the public hearing comments.

Everyone wants to do right by the environment to the extent that they can afford to and not be unduly burdened by the effects of environmental policies.  I have written extensively on implementation of New York’s response to climate change risk because I believe the ambitions for a zero-emissions economy embodied in the Climate Act outstrip available renewable technology such that it will adversely affect reliability, impact affordability, risk safety, affect lifestyles, and will have worse impacts on the environment than the purported effects of climate change in New York.  New York’s Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions are less than one half one percent of global emissions and since 1990 global GHG emissions have increased by more than one half a percent per year.  Moreover, the reductions cannot measurably affect global warming when implemented.   The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Climate Act Background

The Climate Act establishes a “Net Zero” target (85% reduction and 15% offset of emissions) by 2050. The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Scoping Plan that will “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  They were assisted by Advisory Panels who developed and presented strategies to meet the goals.  Those strategies were used to develop the Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants that quantified the impact of the strategies.  That analysis was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021. Comments on the draft can be submitted until July 1, 2022.

I recently posted an article describing the composition, responsibilities and consideration requirement mandates in the Climate Act related to the Climate Action Council.  Of particular relevance to this article is the requirement that “at large members shall include at all times individuals with expertise in issues relating to climate change mitigation and/or adaptation, such as environmental justice, labor, public health and regulated industries.”  There are three aspects of the final Scoping Plan that have to be considered by the Climate Action Council according to the Climate Act. The Climate Act specifically states that the costs and benefits analysis must: “Evaluate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available.”  There also is a mandate to consider efforts at other jurisdictions: “The council shall identify existing climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts at the federal, state, and local levels and may make recommendations regarding how such policies may improve the state’s efforts.”  Finally, in, § 66-p. “Establishment of a renewable energy program” there is a safety valve:  “The commission may temporarily suspend or modify the obligations under such program provided that the commission, after conducting a hearing as provided in section twenty of this chapter, makes a finding that the program impedes the provision of safe and adequate electric service; the program is likely to impair existing obligations and agreements; and/or that there is a significant increase in arrears or service disconnections that the commission determines is related to the program”. 

Climate Action Council Discussion of Public Hearing Comments

The May 26, 2022 Climate Action Council meeting included an agenda item for Council members to describe their impressions of comments made at the public hearings  I have prepared an overview summary of all the comments made during the Update on Public Hearings and Comments agenda item.  It lists names, affiliations, and the time for the start of their comments for each speaker on the recording and my notes on the points they made. 

The original schedule for the entire meeting only allocated 90 minutes.  This agenda item alone took 75 minutes.  The discussion started at 14:36 in the video recording.  Every speaker went out of their way to laud the organization, format and logistics of the public hearings so I am not going to include that in my discussion of the comments.

Sarah Osgood, Director of the Climate Action Council, gave the update on the public hearings (15:25 of the recording).  She noted that 700 people spoke at the hearings.  In general, most were in support of the direction of the plan but she explained that there were more themes within that support.  The themes that she mentioned were the importance of environmental justice and equity, requests for more financial incentives and concerns about lack of funding, concerns about potential job losses, affordability of electricity in the transition, the use of green hydrogen, and that speakers noted the importance of public awareness and community outreach campaigns. She said more people Downstate addressed public health impacts while reliability and EV implementation concerns were more of a concern Upstate. Finally, she said that there were requests for comment period extensions.  That was a topic discussed later in the meeting.  For the record, the Council has since extended the comment period until July 1.

I have one thought about her overview.  I agree with the perception that most speakers were in support of the idea that we need to do something.  That point was also made by many of the Council members when they described their perceptions.  At the Syracuse meeting my breakdown of the speakers counted only twelve who voiced reservations or opposition; 26 supported of the Climate Act because of their concerns about climate change impacts; another 17 supporters supported it because they had an agenda beyond concerns about climate change impacts; and another four crony capitalists who showed up to support their business model. 

While I agree that most speakers supported the direction of the plan, there were Council members that implied that those speakers were a representative sample of all New Yorkers.  Peter Iwanowicz, Executive Director, Environmental Advocates NY (starting at 40:16 of the recording) said “we heard from a lot of average New Yorkers at these hearings”.  He went on to say the speakers represent the “can do spirit” of people and businesses who are ready to go with the clean energy economy.  In my opinion those who want to participate in the clean energy economy were motivated to show up because they were aware of this effort whereas many New Yorkers still are not.  In my breakdown of supporters nearly half have the ulterior motive trying to make money off this.  This is the same group of folks that Osgood noted were requesting more financial incentives and had concerns about lack of funding.  None of the people in this category represent “average” New Yorkers.

One aspect of the overview not mentioned by Osgood was the support of nuclear power.  Dr. James Hanson is very well known for his climate change advocacy.  According to Wikipedia his 1988 Congressional testimony on climate change helped raise broad awareness of global warming.  He has also advocated action to avoid dangerous climate change.  Speaking at 39:31 in the recording at the Albany meeting he said he was shocked by this plan, went on to explain that nuclear power is necessary going forward, and said it would not work out well if it was not given more emphasis.  The nuclear support theme was mentioned by multiple speakers at most of the hearings I listened to.  It is not clear whether not mentioning those speakers was an oversight.

Another theme concerned negative comments.  For example, Co-Chair of the Council Basil Seggos, Commissioner, New York State Department of Environmental Conservation discussed his thoughts starting at 19:50 of the recording.   He brought up the subject of public engagement.  He admitted that when they got out into public that they gained a better appreciation of the scale of the challenge.  He said it was tough to communicate the challenges and went on to say there is lots of “misinformation and misunderstanding but also lots of excitement and support”.  Raya Salter, Lead Policy Organizer, NY Renews (speaking at 37:27 of the recording) claimed that there are two lobbying groups: paid advocacy community and the paid misinformation community.  She said there were well-funded efforts to spread the misinformation and that there is no voice challenging it.  My perception of these comments is that they both believe that anyone who disagrees is wrong and must be shut up because they are all paid shills of the evil fossil fuel industry.  In the following I will address several of the examples of claimed mis-information and misunderstanding.

Clean Energy Worker Transition

Paul Shepson, Dean, School of Marine and Atmospheric Sciences at Stony Brook University (starting at 22:05 of the recording) picked up on the misunderstanding and misinformation label in his comments. He was the first to disparage the speakers who were worried about loss of livelihood.  He said that they were misinformed because they apparently think that job impacts would be immediate.  He went on to say that the transition will be gradual, giving lots of people lots of time to adjust, re-train and so on.  His attitude is personally disappointing to me.  The fact is that they will have plenty of time to change their careers.  No appreciation that changing careers means starting over, very likely in a job that will never pay as well as they are paid now.  For an academic shielded from job security issues through tenure for much of his career to dismiss their concerns as a misunderstanding is tone-deaf and insulting.

Residential Heating

Another example of claimed misinformation was that commenters were making disparaging remarks about heat pumps for heating electrification.  I think Council members also were aware of the public relations campaign that has raised awareness about their residential heating electrification plans.  Robert Howarth, Professor, Ecology and Environmental Biology at Cornell (starting at 32:52 of the recording) said that another area for misinformation is heating electrification using heat pumps. He has one and loses no opportunity to say that heat pumps work in cold climates because his does.  He said that “Anyone who says otherwise is just misinforming”.  He went on to say that there are forces out there that are working to counter our messages with misinformation.  Robert Rodriguez, Acting Secretary of State, New York State Department of State (starting at 43:25 of the recording) also addressed this topic.  He said that the Council has to communicate directly with homeowners and rate payers about what this means.  He claimed that the misinformation campaign listed four different numbers for home electrification and was using hyperbole about the impacts to scare senior citizens.

I spent a lot of time delving into the Integration Analysis for my comments and am pretty comfortable saying that I know more about what is specifically in the Integration Analysis and the Draft Scoping Plan about residential heating electrification than just about anyone on the Climate Action Council.  Last month I described what I had picked out of those documents in an interview on Capital Tonight:

Ground source heat pumps are more effective in cold weather than air source heat pumps, but they are also more expensive. For example, according to the draft scoping plan device cost estimates, an air source heat pump will cost about $14,678, plus another $1,140 for the electric resistance backup. 

Installation for a ground source heat pump is much more involved and could cost a homeowner $34,082, according to Caiazza. 

If you invest in a basic shell to insulate your home, the cost would be $6,409. The cost of a deep shell would be upwards of $45,136.

According to Caiazza, the price range for heat pumps, installation and supplemental heat could be between $22,227 and $79,218, using the scoping plan’s estimates. 

Documentation for Caiazza’s assumptions can be found here.

I want to make a specific point about the Rodriguez claim that four different cost estimates for home electrification means it has to be misinformation.  There are two types of heat pumps and two levels of building shell improvements in the Integration Analysis.  As a result, there are four cost estimates in the Draft Scoping Plan.  My reading is that depending on where you live you could have a comfortable home with the cheaper air source heat pump and a basic building shell in some areas of the state like Long Island but in the coldest areas like Lake Placid, you might need to go with the more expensive ground source heat pump and the more expensive deep building shell.  However, the Draft Scoping Plan does not explain what is expected of homeowners but the implication is clear that you need to improve your building shell when you install a heat pump.  Dr. Howarth may be right when he says that the technology to make it work is available but I have never heard him mention building shell upgrades are required.  Furthermore, no one associated with the Climate Act has ever admitted that the cost savings from the efficiency improvements for the heat pump and building shell improvements are not enough to offset the conversion costs for a natural gas fired home, see for example this research.  There are savings for propane and fuel oil but not natural gas.

Reliability

I am just going to raise a couple of questions for this topic because it deserves its own post.  Paul Shepson Dean, School of Marine and Atmospheric Sciences at Stony Brook University Mis-representation at 23:39 of the recording said:

Mis-representation I see as on going.  One of you mentioned the word reliability.  I think the word reliability is very intentionally presented as a way of expressing the improper idea that renewable energy will not be reliable.  I don’t accept that will be the case.  In fact, it cannot be the case for the CLCPA that installation of renewable energy, the conversion to renewable energy, will be unreliable.  It cannot be.

Robert Howarth, Professor, Ecology and Environmental Biology at Cornell (starting at 32:52 of the recording) picked up on that theme.  He said that fear and confusion is based on mis-information but we have information to counter that and help ease the fears.  He stated that he thought reliability is one of those issues: “Clearly one can run a 100% renewable grid with reliability”.   

I was so taken aback by Shepson’s comment that I dashed off an email to him.  (Not surprisingly he never responded.)  I called his attention to one of my recent posts.  He dismissed the difficulties of a transition to a renewable resource but the fact is that the Council has not listened to the reliability experts at the New York Independent System Operator or the New York State Reliability Council.  My article highlighted two quotes from a recent NYISO presentation: “Significant uncertainty is related to cost / availability of Dispatchable Emissions Free Resource IDEFR) technologies, as well as regulatory definition of ‘zero-emissions’ compliant technologies” and “Some scenarios do not represent realistic system performance but are helpful in identifying directional impacts and sensitivity to key variables”.  That is as close as a technical report can come to saying this won’t work as you can get without actually saying it.  Furthermore, during the presentation discussion the point was made that the capacity projected numbers indicate an enormous amount of generation is needed to replace the shutdown of fossil-fired generation and implement the transition.  That result was described as just “stunning”.  Someone asked whether anyone on the Council is looking at what this means.  These experts are clearly worried about the enormous resources that have to be built to meet to transition the New York electric grid to a net-zero. 

Here are questions for these academics who consider themselves experts on the reliability of the zero-emissions electric grid.  Firstly, name a single jurisdiction that has successfully entirely converted their electric grid away from fossil fuels by using wind and solar renewables.  Secondly, name a single jurisdiction that has started the transition to an electric grid that relies on wind and solar that has not seen a marked increase in costs.  Thirdly, explain how the Scoping Plan’s electric grid plans will prevent the electric market reliability issues seen in Australia on June 13, 2022. 

Voices of Reason

I would be remiss to not point out the rational comments from a couple of the Council members.  Rose Harvey, Senior Fellow for Parks and Open Space, Regional Plan Association (starting at 46:52 of the recording) pointed out that information labeled as misleading might not be misinformation.  She said these topics are so complex that it is easy to not understand everything.  She admitted she doesn’t understand everything Council members are saying.  I think that is a key admission.  Some of the more vocal Council members talk a good game but there is no indication that they have the background and experience to have an educated opinion on some of the topics they so confidently talk about.  A little more humility and a lot more reliance on subject matter experts would markedly improve the quality of the final Scoping Plan.

Dennis Eisenbach, President, Viridi Parente (51:09 of the recording) felt it was necessary to speak up because he said he was “starting to get concerned about some of the comments made by some Council members”.  He said that: “It is almost like we are dismissing critical input maybe because we don’t agree with it or doesn’t flow naturally in what we are trying to do with the scoping plan document so that concerns me a little bit.”  He suggested that “If there are issues that are out there brought up by the public or whoever brought them up that kind of like create a misunderstanding or misleading premise let’s develop a frequently asked questions section of our plan”.  He concluded: “I don’t want us to be in a position that we are determining what is valid and what is not valid from the eyes of the individuals trying to provide input because if you want to shut down input this is a good way of doing it”.  It is well worth listening to all his comments.

Discussion

I am very concerned about the majority of comments made about the speakers at the public hearings.  For one thing, the natural tendency to focus on those speakers whose views align with your own definitely colored the summary descriptions.  There was no recognition that speakers only had two minutes to speak and that might be the reason there were so few dissenting topics.  Finally, the suggestion that the speakers were a representative sample of average New Yorkers may lead to the conclusion that they have overwhelming support.  However, there is no reason to believe that the distribution of comments made represents the feelings of even a fraction of New Yorkers.  In my opinion the Council needs to get out into the average New Yorker’s world and strike up conversations about particular aspects of the Scoping Plant that directly affect people. I have found that when I tell people the plan is to switch to electric heat the most frequent response is “what am I supposed to do when the electricity goes out?”.   Average New Yorkers have figured out that natural gas, fuel oil and propane heating system fuels are much less likely to have outages than the electric “fuel” proposed.  How do Council members propose to respond to that?

I applaud Rose Harvey for stating the obvious fact that it is impossible for all Council members to be experts in all aspects of the enormous scope of the Scoping Plan.  Unfortunately, that leads to a lack of understanding of the caveats and conditions of many of the claims made.  At the top of my list of examples of this problem is the cost benefit analysis.  I am pretty sure that the majority of the Council don’t understand that the claim “The cost of inaction exceeds the cost of action by more than $90 billion” includes the caveat that the benefits are “relative to the Reference Case”.  The authors of the Draft Scoping Plan and the leadership of the Council have completely neglected explaining the implications and ramifications of that condition.  Based on my analyses this claim that the benefits out-weigh the costs is incorrect.  There are other similar claims in the Draft Scoping Plan that do not explain the implications of the caveats and conditions used.

I think that the emphasis on misinformation and misunderstanding by vocal members of the Council is hypocritical.  Ostensibly the public comment period is to ask for full representation of the issues.  The impression I got was that regardless of your expertise if you are on the wrong side of the majority plan you are deemed wrong and dismissed out of hand. That’s insulting and should be beneath those enabling it.  The Council leadership should take the comments of Dennis Eisenbach to heart and follow his advice: “I don’t want us to be in a position that we are determining what is valid and what is not valid from the eyes of the individuals trying to provide input because if you want to shut down input this is a good way of doing it”. 

My biggest concern is reliability and that comes from working in the electric generating industry for over 40 years.  However, I am only a professional not an expert.  There is a clear need to respect the opinion of professionals who are experts in the area of reliability rather than the dismissive conclusions of academics from other disciplines entirely.  Confronting this issue openly and transparently with the organizations and their experts is a critical need that does not appear to be on the docket for the Climate Action Council. A little more humility on the part of certain Council members and a lot more reliance on subject matter experts would markedly improve the quality of the final Scoping Plan.

Conclusion

In the overview of the Climate Act above I described four Climate Act mandates for the Council.  Instead of focusing on how the public perceives specific issues like reliability and heat pumps, the Council should be considering how to address those mandates in their review of the Draft Scoping Plan. 

The Climate Act has always been more about political theater than truly trying to address climate change while maintaining current standards of affordability, reliability, and environmental protections.  This extends to the membership of the Climate Action Council.  The political definition for Council qualifications, “at large members shall include at all times individuals with expertise in issues relating to climate change mitigation and/or adaptation, such as environmental justice, labor, public health and regulated industries” gave lip service to expertise but ending up naming at large members by affinity group associations.  With all due respect to the agency heads the technical expertise necessary to meaningfully contribute to the development of the Scoping Plan was not a qualification criterion for those positions.  That has led the Climate Action Council astray because members cannot be experts in all the aspects of the energy transition.

The Climate Act specifically states that the costs and benefits analysis must: “Evaluate, using the best available economic models, emission estimation techniques and other scientific methods, the total potential costs and potential economic and non-economic benefits of the plan for reducing greenhouse gases, and make such evaluation publicly available.”  The Council  has not but should address this requirement by defining what will meet this requirement. In my opinion in order to fulfill this obligation, the Final Scoping Plan must describe all control measures, assumptions used, the expected costs for those measures and the expected emission reductions for the Reference Case, the Advisory Panel scenario and the three mitigation scenarios. 

There also is a mandate to consider efforts at other jurisdictions: “The council shall identify existing climate change mitigation and adaptation efforts at the federal, state, and local levels and may make recommendations regarding how such policies may improve the state’s efforts.”  As I write this there is an electric grid market issue that may lead to widespread load shedding and blackouts in Australia.  The ultimate problem is a hostile environment for dispatchable power generators has led to a shortage when wind and solar resources are low.  The Council should consider how similar energy transition programs have affected reliability and affordability so that the Climate Act transition does not have similar problems.

Finally, there are members of the Climate Action Council who believe that the energy transition must proceed no matter what because the law says so.  However, New York Public Service Law  § 66-p. “Establishment of a renewable energy program” includes a safety valve condition:  “(4) The commission may temporarily suspend or modify the obligations under such program provided that the commission, after conducting a hearing as provided in section twenty of this chapter, makes a finding that the program impedes the provision of safe and adequate electric service; the program is likely to impair existing obligations and agreements; and/or that there is a significant increase in arrears or service disconnections that the commission determines is related to the program”.  The Council should be defining the provisions for safe and adequate electric service, impairing existing obligations, and increase in arrears or service disconnections.  Those conditions should be established up front, implementation plans should be evaluated against those criteria, and then tracked during implementation to see if they are being maintained.

Capital Tonight Electric Vehicles

Here is the link to the interview.

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) has a legal mandate for New York State greenhouse gas emissions to meet the ambitious net-zero goal by 2050.  I was interviewed for a segment on the electric vehicle component of the Climate Act on Spectrum Cable’s Capital Tonight program hosted by Susan Arbetter.  This post provides documentation for the information I provided in the interview and expands on some comments that could not be covered completely.

Everyone wants to do right by the environment to the extent that they can afford to and not be unduly burdened by the effects of environmental policies.  This blog emphasizes that pragmatic environmentalism is all about balancing the risks and benefits of both sides of policy issues.  The opinions expressed in this post do not reflect the position of any of my previous employers or any other company I have been associated with, these comments are mine alone.

Climate Act Background

The Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act (Climate Act) is New York’s response to climate change.  The Climate Action Council is responsible for preparing the Draft Scoping Plan that defines how to “achieve the State’s bold clean energy and climate agenda”.  They were assisted by Advisory Panels who developed and presented strategies to the meet the goals to the Council.  Those strategies were used to develop the Integration Analysis prepared by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) and its consultants that quantified the impact of the strategies.  That analysis was used to develop the Draft Scoping Plan that was released for public comment on December 30, 2021.  The deadline for submitting comments is July 1, 2022

Climate Act Transportation Sector Strategies

The Climate Action Council strategies to achieve net-zero are described in the Draft Scoping Plan document.  The overall plan to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions is to electrify as much as possible and produce the electricity using mostly wind and solar generation.  Electrification is also a key component of the transportation sector strategy.  Chapter 11 explains that the reductions in the transportation sector are important because the transportation sector emits 27% of the total GHG emissions, second only to buildings. 

According to Table 8 from the Plan, there are four themes to the transportation sector emission reduction plan.  The first, transitioning to ZEVs and equipment, was the focus of the interview.  Both the enhancing public transportation and mobility alternatives and smart growth and mobility-oriented development themes aim to lower emissions by reducing the use of personal vehicles.  The last theme, market-based solutions and financing, addresses paying for the strategies.  The interview discussed personal vehicles so I am going to focus on light-duty vehicles.

The transportation sector theme transitioning to ZEVs and equipment has two strategies.  The first, Light-Duty ZEV Adoption, proposes to transition light duty vehicles to battery electric or hydrogen fuel cell power.  Note that because hybrid vehicles still use some fossil fuel, they are not acceptable.  The second theme, Adoption of Zero-Emission Trucks, Buses, and Non-Road Equipment, is very similar to the light-duty vehicle strategy except for different kinds of vehicles.

The Integration Analysis developed three scenarios for meeting the Climate Act targets.  I recently did a post summarizing the differences between those scenarios and the reference or business-as-usual case for the transportation sector.  I based my analysis on the Annex 2: Key Drivers and Outputs Spreadsheet.  The spreadsheet Tab: Scenario Definitions lists specific programs in the Reference Case which I summarized in  Table 1.

The first question addressed in the interview is when is this supposed to happen.  There is legislation in place that mandates that all new vehicles sold in 2035 must be zero-emissions vehicles (ZEVs).  At this time only 5% of vehicles sold are zero-emissions.  The expected transition over time varies between the three mitigation scenarios but note that in 2030 the Integration Analysis projects that over 90% of the vehicles sold will be ZEVs.  The sales transition to ZEVs is expected to occur naturally.  In other words, the expectation is that enough people will be willing to purchase ZEVs that this won’t need to be regulated before 2035.  However, note that the mitigation scenarios expect that in 2025, 33% of all vehicles sold will be ZEVs.  Also note that two of the mitigation scenarios propose to accelerate the adoption of ZEVs and reduce emissions faster by mandating early retirements in 2030.  I believe that it is overly optimistic to expect that one of every three cars will be a ZEV in three years so it is possible that if not enough people are willing to shift to ZEVs that New York may believe it is necessary to eventually add early retirement regulations.

Another question addressed in the interview was how much will this cost.  I explained that the Integration Analysis documentation in the Scoping Plan says that in 2022 diesel/gas vehicle cost is $31,787 and battery electric vehicle cost is $41,646. Note that the Draft Plan projects that battery electric vehicles will be cheaper than gas/diesel by 2028: diesel/gas cost is $32,514 and battery electric is $31,951.  That is an optimistic ~5% per year decrease in costs.  The following table from Inside EVs lists the costs of battery electric vehicles on September 18 2022.  There are 63 car models listed and there are only 13 models less than the Integration Analysis estimate.

https://insideevs.com/news/534027/electric-car-prices-us-20210918/

There is another important vehicle cost issue.  I think there is an omission in the Draft Scoping Plan because they only talk about new car sales.  There is no discussion how the used car market will change.  Because batteries will have to be replaced in used cars and they are a major expense I think that will have a significant impact on the used car market.

Another component cost of electric vehicles is charger costs.  As shown in the Integration Analysis table below the 2022 cost for a light-duty vehicle is $2,176 and in 2035 the analysis expects costs to go down to $2,018.  There is a lack of detail about charger types.  I found a reference that describes two types of home chargers: Level 1 chargers that with a cost to install of $1800 can recover 4 to 5 miles of range per hour and Level 2 chargers costing $2200 that recover 25 to 30 miles of range per hour.  I assume that the Integration Analysis cost estimat is for Level 2 chargers that can fully charge vehicles overnight.   However, we also need to consider the costs for fast Level 3 chargers as part of overall costs even though they are not suitable for home use.  They are much more expensive $50,000+ but can recover 100 miles of range per hour.  Anytime an owner is on a long trip they are going to either need to find one of these chargers or interrupt their trip for an extended duration stop.  In my opinion, charging limitations would effectively preclude New Yorkers from driving south for spring break.

There is another massive omission in the Draft Scoping Plan relative to chargers. What about renters and people who park on the street?  Who is going to pick up the tab for all those chargers?  Chargers could be assigned in parking lots but on the street that would be problematic.  In both instances snow removal becomes an issue too.

In my opinion personal choice limitations are the biggest concern of the electric vehicle transition.  ZEVs have range limitations and I personally want the ability to travel long distances without range anxiety.  There is a safety issue buried in the necessity for longer fueling times.  In order to match the 2000 cars that a typical filling station can service in a busy 12 hours, a future station would require 600 Level 3 chargers at an estimated cost of $24 million and a supply of 30 megawatts of power from the grid.  Imagine the chaos if an evacuation was needed, everyone was driving a ZEV, and this limitation over-whelmed the capacity of available charging systems.

Discussion

There was insufficient time to fully address a couple of other issues.  Past transformative energy transitions occurred because the perception of the new technology was that it was better because it improved personal choice and opportunities as well as offering clear cost savings up front and over the lifetime of the vehicle.  This transition is different.  We are being forced to use technology that limits our ability to travel when and where we want and it costs more than what we are paying today.  The benefits are for a problem that New York cannot solve on its own and alleged impacts that we cannot question.  In my opinion that is a pretty hard pill to take.

We did not get a chance to talk about why aren’t hybrids good enough.  In brief, the Climate Act mandates zero-emissions and hybrids use fossil fuels.  The reality is that New York’s GHG emissions are so small relative to global emissions that there will not be any effect on the state’s climate and global climate change impacts to New York.  Global emissions have annually increased by more than one half of one percent per year and New York’s total share of global emissions is less than one half of one percent.  In other words, whatever New York does to reduce emissions will be supplanted by global emissions increases in a year.  If New York allowed hybrids as a control option even if it meant some emissions costs would be lower and many of the personal choice limitations would be addressed.

Conclusion

Ms. Arbetter and I agree that many people are unaware of the implications of the Climate Act.  She asked me to describe what the Draft Scoping Plan has to say about zero emission vehicles because that is one of the components that has the most impacts to New Yorkers.  I tried to describe what is included and what is not included in the Plan to help spread the word.

We both agree that New Yorkers should take the opportunity to provide comments so that the Climate Action Council gets engagement from as many people as possible.  I hope that readers will follow up and submit comments.  While you could try to wade through the Draft Scoping Plan itself, the document has been described as follows:

The plan is a true masterpiece in how to hide what is important under an avalanche of words designed to make people never want to read it. Here’s an example: “Regardless, any transition must be carefully planned, detailed, and clearly communicated to ensure that expectations are aligned across stakeholders.”

Instead of reading the document I suggest spending some time reading about issues and research things that are of particular interest to you at the Climate Act website and my Citizens Guide.  Once you have your thoughts together go to the comment website and submit your comment.   For your information I have summarized all my comments here. One final note, I submitted comments based on the interview discussion that are described here.